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Jlii9 



ETHAN ALLEN 



AND THE 



GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 



ETHAN ALLEN 



AND THE 



GllEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES 



OF '76. 




WITH A SKETCH OF THK 



EAELY HISTORr OF VERMONT. 






BY HENRY W. DE PITY. 

AUTHOE OF "LOUIS NAPOLEON AND HIS 'VlMKS,*' " KOSSUTH, *<?." 



BUFFALO: 
PniNNEY & CO., 188 MAIN STREET. 

1859. 






Knt«.d l^rdtog to Act of Congrc^, to the ,.« 185«.by 

PHINNEY SCO, 

to «.. Clerk- .ffie. of the Distnet Court for the Northen. Di»«« 

of New York. % 



SOURCE Uf^KNOWN 
MAY 2 8 IS 25 



CONTENTS. 

Imtboduction ^1 

CHAPTER I. 
EAKLT HISTORY OF VERMONT. 

Early Discoveries— Cavtier at Hotchelaga— Interview with the Na- 
tives — Return to France — Cbamplain — His Discoveries— Hudson — 
The Green Mountains— The Six Nation* — The Adirondacks — Fire 
Arms — Torture of a Prisoner — War between the French and 
Indians — Corlear — French Expedition against the Mohawks — First 
EngHsh Prisouei-8 in Canada— Montreal attacked by the Indians — 
Massacre at Schenectady— French Invasion of New Hampshire- 
Death of Major Waldron— English Expedition against Canada — Sir 
William Phipps— Captain John Schuyler— French Emulation of 
Indian Cruelty— Burning of Deerfield— Rev. John Williams— The 
March over the Green Mountains— Death of Mrs. Williams— The" 
Forest Sermon— The Daring Boy— Sufferings of the Captives- 
Ransom of Rev. Mr. Williams— The Bell of St. Regis— Border 
Warfare— Colonial Wtir with Canada— English Army on Lake 
Champlain— Fleet on the St. Lawrence— Peace— First Settlements 
in Vermont— Frontignac — Joliet — Exploration of the Missis- 
sippi—Lake Champlain— Crown Point— Progress of the English 
and French Colonies— Fort Dummer — LovewelTs War — The 
Jesuit Rolle— Siege of Louisbourg— Indian Depredations— Mas- 
sacre at Fort Massachusetts- Heroic Defense of " Number F(.ur "— 
Captain Hobbs— Saratoga— The Abbo Picquet— French War of 
175fi_Sir William Johnson— Expedition against the French- 
Johnson's Victory over Dicskau— Indian Depredations— Captain 
Johnson— Subjugation of Canada again undertaken -General 
Abercrombie— John Stark— His Intrepidity— Montcalm's Ad- 
vances toward Fort William Henry— Massacre at Fort Edward— 
IsRABi. Putnam- William Pitt— Putnam's Battle with Firft 



^^ C O K T E N T S . 

Abercrorabie's Defeat at Ticonderoga— Capture of Putnam— Cm- 
elties inflicted upon him— Attempt to burn him— Rescue— Th« 
Fair Captive—Amherst takes Ticonderogia and Crown Point- 
Destruction of the Village of St Francis— General Wolfe— His 
Death and Victory at Quebec— Death of Montcalm— Vaudreuil 
defeated at Montreal— Canada surrendered to the English— Close 
of the French War, 13 to 116 



CHAPTER II 
THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GRANTS. 

The Peace of 1763— Advance of the English Settlements— The 
Delius Grant— Conflicting Grants by the British Crown— Contro- 
versies arising therefrom— New-York Charter— Correspondence 

between the Governors of New Hampshire and New Yoik 

Charter of Bennington — Grants of Laijds by the Governor of New 
Hampshire — Proclamation of Governor Colden — Counter-Proola- 
mation— Appeal to the King — An Ambiguous Decree— Excitement 
among the People— Agent sent to England— Determination to 
repel the New-York Claimants— Ethan Allen— His early Life—' 
He becomes interested in the New-Hampshire Grants— Journal of 
Ira Allen— Scheme of a Land Speculator— The Aliens in New 
York— Ira Allen's Foresight — Adventure with a Ghost— Seth 
Warner— Personal Appearance of Warner — His Favorite Pur- 
suits — Capt. Remember Baker — Is a Soldier in the French War — 
Removes to the New-Hampshire Grants— Samuel Robinson — Set- 
tlement of Bennington — Establishment of a Church and a 
School — Jedediah Dewey — Oppressive Measures of New York — 
Indictments— Convention of the Settlers— Samuel Robinson— The 
King's Order— It is disregarded by Governor Tryon— Procla- 
mation— Indictments— Ejectment Trials at Albany— Anecdote of 
Allen — New Attempts to deprive the People of their Property — 
Defensive Measures — " Hideous Groans " — The Green-Mountain 
Boys— Reward offered for the Arrest of Allen — Allen's Proclama- 
tion—His Courage— Attack upon Captain Baker's House— His ' 
Capture and Rescue- Attempt to arrest Warner- A Rumored 

Invasion — Conciliation — Allen's Protej^t— Joy in Bennington 

Quarrel Renewed — Letter to Governor Tryon — The " Beech- 
Seal " — The Scotch Emigrants — Proceedings in Clarendon — " The 



CONTlwNIS. VU 

Bloody Law " — Allen's Opinion of it — Public Meetings — Doctor 
Samuel Adanas — Benjamin Hough — Allen's Certificate — Trials of 
the Pioneers — Tyranny of the Government — Rescue of a Pris- 
oner — Treason Trials — Murder of William French — Dawn of the 
Bevolution, 116 to 196 

CHAPTER III. * 

ETHAN ALLEN. 

Character of the Patriots of '76 — Ethan Allen — His Position — Re- 
riew of the Causes which produced the Revolution — The Stamp 
Act — The Tea Tax— The First Congress— Measures of Resist- 
ance — Contemplated Entei-prise against Ticonderoga — Ethan 
Allen chosen its Leader — His Plan — The Boy-Guide — Alien 
crosses the Lake — The Fortress attacked — Confusion of the 
Enemy — Allen and Deiaplace — Surrender of the Garrison — Crown 
Point and Skenesborough Secured — Arnold's Naval Victory — 
Allen and Congress — Allen and Parson Dewey — Capture of 
Allen — Narrative of Allen's Captivity — His Account of the 
Victory at Ticonderoga — He falls into the Hands of the Enemy — 
A Singular Shield — Barbarity of Colonel Prescott — Allen put in 
Irons — The Tenpenny Nail — Allen's Challenge of Doctor Dace — 
Magnanimity of Captain Littlejohn — The Duel — Reliance upon 
Allen's Honor — Cruel Treatment of Prisoners — The Petty Ty- 
rant — Voyage to England — Allen's Sufferings — Landing at Fal- 
mouth — Expected Execution of Allen — His Letter to Congress — 
Reflections upon Death — Conversations with his Visitors — Captain 
Symonds — The Generous Irishmen — Allen sails from England — 
The Voyage — Arrival in America — From Bad to Worse — Meeting 
with old Enemies — Illness — Cruelty and Kindness — Mrs. Blac- 
den — Removal to New York — A Humane Commander — Allen's 
Gratitude — The Prison Ship — Battle of Bennington — Allen on 
Parole — The American Prisoners in New York — Barbarity of the 
British — Incredible Sufferings — Starvation, Disease and Death — 
Washington — General Howe — The British Bribe — Allen's Reply — 
Allen and Rivington — Captain Vandyke — Mr. Miller — Majors 
Wells and Paine — Mr. Fell — Evacuation ,of Ticonderoga — Battle 
of Hubbardton — Triumph of Allen — Burgoyne's Surrender — 
BuTgoyne's Proclamation — Allen and the British Officer — Allen's 
Liberation — His Return to Vermont, 196 to 27 J 



Vm OONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE GKEEN-MOUNTATN HERGES. 

Charter of the Early Settlers of this Country— Influence of their 
Example— The Puritans and the Followers of Penn— Indian Con- 
verts— Otigi| of the Revolution — Reflections on the Character and 
Services of Congress— Declaratiox of Independence — Bunker 
Hill— Ticonderoga— Campaign of 1775 — General Montgomery — 
General Schuyler — Montgomery enters Canada — Death of Captain 
Baker — Etha.x Allen— Siege of St. John's— Mutiny— James 
Livingston — Surrender of Fort Chambly— Seth Warner— The 
Green-Mountain Rangers— Repulse of Carleton— Surrender of St 
John's — Carleton's Retreat from Montreal — Extraordinary March 
of Arnold— The British retire to Quebec — The Assault Begun — 
Death of Montgomery — The Cowardly Commanders— Honors to 
Montgomery- His Character — His Widow — Arnold — Major Mor- 
gan — Retreat of the Americans — Reinforcements — Energy of 
Warner— General Gates— Naval Preparations — Battle on Lake 
Champlain— Plans of the British— Supplies for Ticonderoga — 
Close of the Campaign of 1776— Geneial Carleton — The Green- 
Mountain Pledge— Burgoyne — The Campaign Opened — Evacua- 
tion of Ticonderoga — General St. Clair — Retreat of the Americans 
— Battle of Hubbardton — Advance of the British — Jane McCrea— 
Account of her Murder— A New-Hampshire Patriot— General 
Stark— Movements of Burgoyne — The Foray upon the Green 
Mountains— Battle at Cambridge — Skirmishing — Rain — The Bel- 
licose Parson — Stark's Speecli — Battle of Bennington — The 
British Reinforced — The Victory at Bennington — General Stark's 
Account — Colonels Warner and Herrick — Honor to General Stark's 
Genius — Important Consequences of this Victory — Censure of 
Stark in Congress changed to Thanks — General Burgoyne's Opin- 
ion of his Antagonist changed — Spoils and Trophies — Expenses 
of Stark's Brigade — Traveled Cannon — British, German and Tory 
Prisoners — Lions and Lambs — Curiosity to see Lord Napier — A 
Bereaved Mother — General Lincoln — Colonels Brown and Johnson 
at Lake George — Brown's Sticcess — Generals Gates and Bureroyne 
— Engagement at Saratoga — British Testimony to American Patri- 
otism — The Spirit of '76 ; Death rather than Dishonor — Burgoyne's 
DifficultiGB thicken — He Surrenders — Medal and Thanks to General 



CONTENTS. IX 

Gates — Feats of the Green-Mountain Boys — British Retreat from 
Ticonderoga, with loss — Difficulties of the Inhabitants of the New- 
Hampshire Grants — Their Need of a Government — Declare their 
Independence as a State — Congress refuses to receive them — They 
form a Constitution — Council of Safety — Its Officers and Powers 
— Ira Allen on Ways and Means — A Regiment raised and paid 
from Tory Property — Governor Chittenden — Incidents of his Life 
—Ira Allen Secretary of State— His Appearance and Services — 
Measures of Vermont opposed — Ethan Allen's Return — His 
Welcome — His Military Distinction — Is Agent from Vermont to 
Congress — Governor Clinton's Proclamation — General Allen's 
Counter-Proclamation — He advocates Law and Order — A Hanging 
Postponed — Excitement in consequence — General Allen's Sppech 
— "Somebody shall be Hanged " — General Allen's Quarrel with 
his Brother Levi — The Tooth-drawing — Colonel Seth Warner — 
Dies in Poverty — Inscription on his Tomb — His Widow's Petition 
to Congress — Widow Storey — Her Secret Retreat — Destruction of 
Royalton — Pursuit of the Indians — Their Kindness to Female 
Prisoners — Anecdotes of the Indians — Daring of Mrs. Stone — Mrs. 
Barker and her Infants — Adverse Claims for Vermont Territory — 
Congress censures Vermont — Vermont extends its Territory- 
Poetry for the Green-Mountaineers — British Overtures to Ethan 
Allen — Allen's Letter to Congress — General Haldimand negotiates 
privately with Vermont Leaders — Allen and Fay mislead the 
English — Their Commission — General Haldimand's Instmction to 
his Agent — The Agent's Notes of Interviews — Ira Allen's Ingen- 
ious Delays— Notice of his Career — Washington reconciles Ver- 
mont and Congress— Feeling of the People— Difficulties with New- 
York — Ethan Allen suppresses Insurrection — His Characteristic 
Proclamation — Vermont admitted an Independent State, 1789 — 
Ethan Allen's Retirement— Becomes an Author— Chancter of his 
Book — A popular Anecdote of him Contradicted — His Integrity — 
Scene in Courts-Changes his Residence— Characteristic Courtship 
of his Second Wife— Amusing Account of the Marriage — "The 
Church Militant and the Church Military "—Allen's Kindness— 
The Lost Children Fftund— Tribute to his Patriotism— His Death 
— Inscription on his Toiub *279 to 42A 



INTRODUCTION. 

«» Far be from me or my friends," says a vlistinguished writer, 
"such frigid philosophy, as may conduct us, indifferent and 
unmoved, over any ground that has been dignified by wisdom, ' 
bravery or virtue. The man is little to be envied whose patiiot- 
ism would not gain force upon the plains of Marathon, or whose 
pietv would not grow warm among the ruins of lona." And 
thus, among the objects that attract the attention of people, in 
all countries, as they advance in civilization, few are sought with 
more avidity than the facts concerning their early history. 

Our patriotism is warmed, and our virtue is strengthened, 
while gazing upon the fields where the blood of our ancestors 
was shed in defense of hberty, or while perusing the story of the 
perils, sufferings, and self-sacrificing heroism of those who won 
our national independence. Nothing, therefore, can tend more 
strongly to the preservation of the liberties of our own favoied 
and happy country, than a familiarity with the deeds, and an 
admiration for the character, of our revolutionary ancestoi-s. 
Our glorious institutions can be in no danger while there is a 
ientiraent of patriotism among the people, which glows at 
the recital of our countr>''s renown, and which cherishes the 



Xll I N T K O D U C T lO ^i . 

memory of it& heroes. To foster this feeling, as well as to direct 
attention to a class of patiiots whose claims to the grateful re- 
membrance of those who enjoy the blessings of free institutions 
have been too much disregarded, is the design of the present 
volume. 

No portion of our country has a history so replete witii 
stirring events as that bordering upon Lake Champlain. Situ 
ated between the French province of Canada and the English 
colonies, and simultaneously claimed by each, it was, for one 
hundred and fifty years, the grand highway of their warlike 
expeditions against each other, and the scene upon which their 
bloodiest and most hotly contested battles were fought. Here 
many of the heroes of the American Revolution received their 
first experience in the art of war, and achieved that renown which 
afterward placed them at the head of armies whose noble pur- 
pose sanctified their resort to the awful arbitrament of battle. 
There, too, the most powerful and thi-eatening army sent out to 
crush the freedom of this country, began its march in triumph, 
and there ended it in a most disastrous defeat. The history of 
the Green-Mountain state, which stretches along the ,east shore 
of Lake Champlain, is so closely interwoven with that of the 
armies which have trodden its soil, and of the wars in which 
they were engaged, that the one cannot be fairly written to the 
exclusion of the other. 

In addition to the usual authorities on American histftry con- 
sulted in the preparation of this volume, especial indebtedness 
to the following is acknowledged — Slade's Vermont State 



IN TK O D U C TI ON. XIU 

Papeis — Williams' and Thompson's Histories of Vermont — 
and Chipman's Lives of Warner, Chittenden and Chipman. 
These are all Vermont aiithoi-?,. Rev. Samuel Williams, D. D^ 
author of the first History of Vermont, was the grandson 
of Rev. John Williams, the " Deerfield Captive," and father of 
Charles K. Williams, for many years Chief Justice of Vermont, 
and recently the popular governor of that state. He was one 
of the founders and the principal benefactor of the Univei-sity 
of Vermont, at Burlington. For several years he employed his 
talents, almost if not quite gratuitously, in delivering lectures in 
natural philosophy, and in forwarding the progress of the Uni- 
versity. With only four hundred and eighty dollars raised by 
subscription, he purchased the first philosophical apparatus for 
the institution. That this apparatus might be as complete as 
possible, Dr. Williams expended the money in the most frugal 
manner, admitting nothing of foreign manufacture which eould 
be made at home, and nothing of brass where it might be made 
of wood. Dr. Williams had removed to Vermont as early as 
1777, and resided at Rutland. In 1793, he published his 
History of Vermont, in one volume. The narrative was- then 
brought down to the Revolutionary war ; but the work was 
afterward greatly enlarged, and, in 1809, was published in two 
'olumes of about five hundred pages each. The history of the 
rtate was brought down to the period of the publication of the 
vork. The few copies of it yet in existence are highly prized. 
The copy which the writer of this obtained, although much 
worn, printed on coai-se paper, and roughly bound, cost as much 



Xiv INTBODUCTION. 

as a dozen volumes of new works got up in the most faultless 
modern style. Kev. Zadock Thompson, of Burlington, has also 
published a large work of six hundred pages of small type, 
comprising the Natural and Civil History and a Gazetteer of the 
state. It is a work of great research and value, and as a larga 
portion of it can be of especial interest to Vermontei-s only, it 
should hold a prominent place in the library of every citizen of 
that state. ' 

The compiler is indebted to the courtesy of several gentlemen 
of Vermont for important assistance in the preparation of these 
pages. From the Hon. Charles K. Williams was received a file 
of the "State Banner," published at Bennington in ] 841, and 
containing a series of "Historical Readings," by Hon. Hiland 
Hall, which have been freely used in the portion of this work 
relatino- to the difficulties between Kew York and the New- 
Hampshire Grants. From George F. Houghton, Esq., of St. 
Albans, many valuable suggestions were derived, as well as a 
most eloquent address on the Life of Seth Warner, delivered by 
him before the Vermont legislature. This and two other ad 
dresses, by Prof. James D. Butler, on the early history of Vermont, 
have supplied these pages with several important incidents not 
found elsewhere. Chauncey Goodrich, Esq., of Burlington, and 
Brigadier-general Ethan Allen Hitchcock, (grandson of the " Hero 
of Ticonderoga," ) also comumnicated facts which have enriched 
the present work. 

Hon. Henry Stevens, the distinguished antiquary of Vermont, 
courteously placed a considerable portion of his large and 



INTRODUCTION. XV 

invaluable collection of State Papers at the disposal of tiie 
compiler. For many years, Mr. Stevens has been indefatigable 
in collectiijg documents concerning the early history of Vermont. 
The papers of the early settlers of the state — the correspond- 
ence of Revolutionary officers — and the documents in the 
ai'chi\es of the nation, or copies of them, have been treasured 
up by Mr. Stevens. Vermont is under great obligations to him 
for his sei-vices in searching for and arranging official papei-s and 
other testimony touching the origin, progress, and final consum- 
mation of the struggle which resulted in giving to the American 
Switzerland that proud individuality of which it so justly boasts. 
Vermont will only do justice to itself, its founders, and to Mr. 
Stevens, when these records of a state whose history is more 
remaikable than that of any other in the union, are placed 
before the public. When this is done, the world will be satisfied 
that these early settlers weie men of no common mould, and 
their services will be better understood and more gratefully 
appreciated than at present. 

For a mere handful of men to resist the combined efforts of 
New York on the one side and Xew Hampshire on the other, 
while repulsed if not rejected by the home government, and 
menaced by a foreign foe — involved the exercise of no ordinary 
sagacity, and an amount of nerve and energy with which, in 
this day, we are not familiar. But so it was. While maintain- 
ing an open war with the neighboring states, they protected the 
whole line of our frontier by keeping on terms with the common 
enemy, while at the same time they rendered moie efficient aid 



XVI INTRODUCTION. 

to the government which discarded them, than either of the 
states alluded to. The official correspondence with Washing- 
ton — comprised in the Papei's of Mr. Stevens — goes to 
demonstrate this beyond a doubt. 

The engraving of the Heroic Statue of Gen. Ethan Allen will 
be reofarded as an attractive feature of the present volume. The 
Statue is the production of B. H. liinney Esq., a young and self- 
taught Vermont artist; and, although his first great undertaking, is 
of promising excellence, and gives evidence of a high order of art- 
istic ability. It is the length and breadth, the depth and power of 
Ethan Allen, morally and historically considered, and in his phys- 
ical no less than in his intellectual characteristics, — an artistic 
realization of one of the most practical and common-sense 
characters that ever lived. Those who look upon it are at once 
oonvinced that it is an actual likeness of the Hero of Ticonde- 
roga. This is the best evidence of the genius of the sculptor, 
that his work is invai'iably regarded as a truthful representation. 
The statue is of heroic size — one-third larger than life — and 
represents the subject in a bold, commanding attitude; his camp 
cloak thrown from his left and resting on his right shoulder; his 
hand grasping the sword at his side; and his whole expression 
resolute and full of enei-gy — as if he had just uttered those 
memorable words at Ticonderoga, and intended to see his 
demands complied with at all hazards. The engraving is the 
more valuable as it is the only picture of the statue that the 
sculptor has permitted to be engraved. As the reader may be 
interested to know something more of Mr. Kinney, the following 



INTRODUCTION. XVll 

notice of his career, iis furnished by himself in a private letter 
to a friend, will appropriately close this notice of his statue : 

" I was bred, from infancy to manhood, in the town of Sunderland, 
Bennington county, Vermont — the town in which Ethan Allen first 
lived, and which for nearly twenty years was his residence. During 
my boyhood I listened to the tales respecting the great hero of the Green 
Monntnins. with those thrilling emotions and the wild delight which are 
only known to mountaineers. Many were the acts of "desperate valor," 
performed by my schoolmates and myself, in sham fights emulating 
the daring deeds of the Green-Mountain Heroes of '76. And the 
impression which I received at that time of the noble spirit of patriotism 
which stimulated the fearless and true-hearted Hero of Ticonderoga, has 
grown brighter and brighter as I have grown to years of manhood, and 
witnessed the neglect of duty to their country, in the pursuit of selfish 
ends, so characteristic of a considerable portion of the prominent men 
of this age. This is the reason of my selecting Ethan Allen as the first 
great subject of my labors in iny favorite art" 



1 



MOUNTAIN HEROES. 



CHAPTER I. 

EARLY HISTORY OF VERMONT, 
the savages, of murderous soul, 



In paiuted bands, dark to the combat roll, 
With riiiiliiiyht orgies, by the gloomy shade, 
On the pale victim point the reeking blade ; 
Or cause the hamlet, lulled in deep repose, 
No more to wake, or wake to ceaseless woes." 

HuAtPHEEYS. 

Of the adventurous band of navigators, who, early 
in the sixteenth century, sailed westward in the wake 
of those frail caravels, the Mina, Pinta, and Santa 
Maria, James Cartier, a Frenchman, was the first to 
explore the interior of the vast continent to which 
Columbus had led the way. While sailing along the 
Atlantic coast, in 1534, in search of a passage to China, 
he discovered the mouth of a great river, to which he 
subsequently gave the name of ''St. Lawrence."* The 
following spring, in the belief that the St. Lawrence 
was the desired channel to the East Indies, a larger ex- 
pedition was equipped, which Cartier conducted direct 
to this noble stream, and sailed two hundred leagues 
inland. There the navigation was obstructed by "a 

• Thus named in honor of the Saint whose festival occurred on the 
day (10th August) of its discovery. 



20 ETHAN ALLEN AND GliEEN-MOUNTAXN HEROES. 

great and swift fall." At this point, Cartier found a 
large Indian village, bearing the name of Hochelaga. 
The population was more numerous, the wigwams 
were more substantially built, and the town was more 
strongly fortified than any other occupied by the abo- 
rigines, of which the early settlers of the country have 
given a description. Cartier conciliated the natives by' 
presents of hatchets, beads and rings — articles more 
magnificent than any of which they had previously had 
a conception — and they regarded him and his associ- 
ates as celestial beings. To Cartier all was so new and 
strange, that he almost deemed himself transported to 
some land of enchantment. lie erected a fort where 
the city of Montreal now stands, calling it, in honor of 
his king. Mount Hoyal. There he passed the winter, 
formed alliances with the Indians, and took formal pos- 
session of the country, which he named New France. 
Ascending the iill which towered above his fortress, 
and overlooked the country for many miles around, he 
was enraptured with the scene upon which he gazed. 
Before him the mighty St. Lawrence, coming solemnly 
from an unknown land, rolled on majestically toward 
the ocean ; the distant horizon was bounded by the lofty 
mountains of Vermont,* crowned with perpetual ver- 
dure ; while illimitable forests, robed in the gorgeous 
hues of autumn, were spread out before liim in every 
direction. Donnacona, the Indian king who conducted 
him to the summit of the hill, informed him that he 
might sail westward on the great river, for three 
moons — passing through several immense lakes — 

* So called when the state was organ izeil, from two French worl^ 
verd, green, and mont, luonntain. 



DISCOVERIES OF CARTIER. 21 

Without reaching its source ; that the river had its 
origin in a sea. of fresh water to wliich no limits were 
known. Far to the south-west, he continued, there was 
another great river,* which ran through a country 
where there was no ice or snow ; to the north, there 
was a large inland sea of salt water,f extending to a 
region of perpetual ice ; while southward there were 
rivers and smaller lakes, penetrating a beautiful and 
fertile country, belonging to a powerful and warlike 
nation called the Iroquois. 

The next spring, Cartier, taking with him Donna- 
cona and several of the natives, returned to France, 
and represented to the king the advantages that would 
result from a settlement in this country, principally 
by means of the fur trade ; but the fallacious opinion 
then prevalent among all the nations of Europe, that 
guch countries only as produced gold and silver were 
worth the possession, had such influence on the mon- 
arch, that he slighted the judicious advice of Cartier, 
and deferred making any establishment in Canada. 
But, although this object was generally neglected, some 
individuals entertained just views of its importance ; 
and among the most zealous for prosecuting discov- 
eries and making a settlement there, was Roberval, a 
nobleman of Picardy. The king, at length convinced 
of the expediency of the measure, resolved to send 
Cartier, accompanied by this nobleman, again to Can- 
ada. The expedition was undertaken in 1540, and an 
attempt was made to found a colony : but in the 
course of a year or two, the enterprise was abandoned. 
The colony was broken up, and for upward of half a 

• The Ohio. t Hudson's Bay. 



22 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIX UEKOES. 

century, the French made no further attempt to estab- 
lish themselves on the St. Lawrence. 

In 1600, one Chauvin, a commander in the French 
navy, made a voyage to Canada, from which he re- 
turned, with a profitable cargo of furs. The public 
now began to turn more attention to this country. An 
armament was equipped, and the command given to 
Pontgran. He sailed in 1603. Five years afterw^ard, 
Samuel de Champlain, who had accompanied Pont- 
gran's expedition, founded the city of Quebec* In 
1609, accompanied by several friendly Indians, he 
proceeded to the locality described by Cartier. lie 
afterward sailed up the Richelieu or Sorel river, and 
entered a lake to which he gave his own name.f He 
also visited Lake George, which, from the extreme 
purity of its waters, he called &t. Sacrament.;]: It is 
inferred from his own narrative, that he then proceeded 
across the country, and touched the Hudson river at 
Glen's Falls. During the same season, Henry Hudson 
Bailed up the river to which his name is given, as far 
as Albany. Possibly, at the same time that Champlain 
was resting near the head waters of the Hudson, the 
English navigator was encamped scarcely forty miles 
below. Strange that two adventurers, in the service 
of different sovereigns, ruling three thousand miles 

* This was the original Indian name, signifying narrow, because 
the St Lawrence, which, from that point to the ocean, is from ten to 
fifteen miles wide, is there reduced to a width of about one noile. 

t The Indian name of Lake Champlain was Canaideri-Guarunte, sig- 
nifying the mouth or door of the country. Another Indian name was 
Petawa-Borcque, signifying alternate land and water. 

I The original Indian name was Horicon, meaning Silver Water. It 
WBH also called Canavleri-oit, or The. Tail of thf T^alce. 



CliAMPLAIN AND HtJDSON. 23 

awaj, and approaching from different points of the 
compass, should so nearly meet in the vast forests 
of wild America — each exploring a part of the conti- 
nent never before traversed by Europeans. Strange, 
too, that the vicinity where these adventurers so nearly 
met, should, for almost a hundred and fifty years, be 
the boundary between the nations respectively repre- 
sented by them, and the scene of their frequent and 
bloody conflicts for supremacy. 

Although that beautiful portion of Vermont border- 
ing on Lake Champlain was thus early explored, and 
although settlements were made in its immediate 
vicinity, by the Dutch at Albany in 1613 — by the 
English at Springfield, on the Connecticut, in 1635 — 
and by the French at Montreal in 1640, the whites did 
not permanently occupy any portion of the territory 
comprised in the present boundaries of the State, until 
the year 1724. Situated between the settlements of 
the French on the one hand, and those of the English 
on the other, it was constantly exposed to the incur- 
sions and depredations of both, in the almost inces- 
sant warfare maintained between them. The dense 
forests of the Green Mountains became the favorite 
lurking places of the wield ers of the tomahawk, and 
resounded with the war-whoop of those savages who 
were willing to be allies for either of the contending 
parties. They were traversed by the prisoners taken 
in the French wars, and were witnesses of their heroism 
and of their sufferings. For these reasons, actual set- 
tlements were perilous and impracticable. It was a 
dis »uted ground between the English and the French, 
4** wMch many a guerilla battle was fought. And 



24 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

tnus the history of Vermont is so closely interwoven 
with that of the regions adjacent, that it will be neces- 
sary, in the progress of this narrative, in order to 
exhibit a complete view of the transactions in whicn 
Vermont was interested, or in which its early heroes 
bore a distinguished part, often to carry forward an 
account of events which transpired beyond the geo- 
graphical limits of the state. 

In his expedition across the lake which bears his 
name, Champlain was accompanied by only two 
Frenchmen — the balance of the party, amounting to 
about sixty, were Huron and Algonquin warriors, who 
Lad determined on a hostile excursion into the terri- 
tory of the Iroquois, or, as they were afterward desig 
nated by the English, the Five Nations. 

This federal association is said to have derived its 
origin from the most remote antiquity ; and, as the 
name imports, it comprehended five Indian nations, of 
which the Mohawks have obtained the most lasting re- 
nown, and which were confederated, on terms of tho 
strictest equality, in a perpetual alliance, for united 
conquest and mutual defense. The members of this 
united body reckoned themselves superior to all the 
rest of mankind, and the distinctive appellation which 
they adopted* was expressive of this opinion. But the 
principles of their confederacy displayed far more pol- 
icy and refinement than we might expect from the arro- 
gance of their barbarous name. Thej had embraced 
the Koman practice, of increasing their strength by 
incorporating the people of other nations with them- 
eelvcs. After every conquest of an enemy, when they 

• Ongue-Honwe, — iLat is, " Men surpassing all otbors." 



THE FIVE NATIONS. 25 

bad indulged their revenge by some cruel executions, 
thej exercised their usual policy, in the adoption of 
the remaining captives ; and frequently with so much 
advantage, that some of their most distinguished sa- 
chems and captains, were derived from defeated and 
adopted foes. Each nation had its own separate repub- 
lican constitution, in which rank and office were claimed 
only by age, procured only by merit, and enjoyed but 
by the tenure of public esteem. In no community was 
age accorded • more respect, or youth endowed with 
greater beauty.* The people of the several nations, 
and especially the Mohawks, were distinguished by the 
usual Indian qualities of attachi^ent to liberty, forti- 
tude in the endurance of pain, and preference of craft 
and stratagem to undisguised operations in war,f and 
by a more than usual degree of perseverance, resolution, 
and active intrepidity. Almost all the tribes around 
this people, and even many at a great distance, w^ho 
were not included in their confederacy, acknowledged 
a subjection to it, paid a tribute which two aged 
sachems were annually dej^uted to collect, ;[: and were 
restrained from making war or peace without the con- 
sent of the Five ISTations. It was the policy of all the 

* Such was the efficacy of the Indian mode of life, in developing the 
finer pio|)ortions of wliich the human frame is susceptible, that, when the 
statue of the Apollo-Belvidere was beheld, for the first time, by Benjamin 
West, the distinguished American painter, he started at the unexpected 
likeness, and exclaimed, "How like it is to a young Mohawk warrior 1 " 

t In this peculiarity most of the Indian tribes resembled the ancient 
Hpartans ; as they did also in the diligence with which they cultivated 
conciseness of speech. * 

t " I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor In- 
dians were' under, while these two old men remained in that part of tb« 

2 



26 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

chiefs to affect superior purity, and to distribute among 
the people their own share of tribute and plunder. 
All niatters of common concernment were transacted 
in general meetings of the sachems of each nation ; 
and the influence of time, aided by a long course (^f 
judicious policy and victorious enterprise, had com- 
pletely succeeded in causing the federal character and 
sentiments to prevail over the peculiarities of their sub- 
ordinate national associations. When, at a period 
subsequent to the first visit of the Europeans, the Tus- 
carora tribe was vanquished, they were permitted to 
revive their broken estate, by ingrafting it on this 
powerful confederacy, by being associated as a new 
member of the general union, instead of being diffused 
and losing their identity among the other tribes, and 
the confederacy thereafter obtained the name of the 
Six Nations. Both the French and English writers, 
who have treated of the character or affairs of this 
people, have concurred in describing them as at once 
the most judicious and politic of the native powers, 
and the most fierce and formidable of the native 
inhabitants of America. ^ 

When the French under Champlain settled in Can- 
ada, they found the Five Nations engaged in a bloody 
war with the powerful tribe of Adirondacks, by whom 
they had been driven from their original possessions 
.»iound Montreal, and between the Connecticut river 
and Lake Champlain, now the state of Vermont, and 
forced to seek an asylum in the region bounding on 

country where I was. An old Mohawk sachem, in a poor blanket, and 
dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his order with as arbitiary an authority 
as a Rotnan dictator.*' — Colden. 



THE FIVE NATIONS. 27 

Lake Ontario and the Mohawk river. Tlie Five Na- 
tions, however, were regaining their lost ground, aJid 
had compelled the Adirondacks to fly for safety behind 
the strait where Quebec is built. But the tide of suc- 
cess was suddenly turned by the arrival of Chaniplain, 
who naturally joined the Adirondacks, because he 
had settled on their lands, l^ear the place where the 
fortress of Ticonderoga was afterward erected, the 
Indians, with whom Champlain was exploring the 
country, encountered a body of two hundred Iroquois, 
who were on their way down the lake on a war expe- 
dition. Loud shouts at once arose from both parties, 
as they snatched up their weapons and prepared for 
action. Champlain and the two Frenchmen with liim, 
each armed with an arquebuse,"^ participated in the 
conflict, and as the Iroquois had no previous knowl- 
edge of fire-arms, they soon fled in dismay, leaving 
fifty w^arriors dead on the field, while ten or twelve 
prisoners were captured by the Adirondacks. f All 
engaged in this expedition went to their homes highly 

• " A sort of hand-gun ; a species of fire-arms anciently used, which 
was cocked with £(^heel. It carried a ball that weighed nearly two 
ounces. A larger kind, used in fortresses, carried a ball of three ounces 
and a half." — Encyclopedia. 

t If, on this occasion, the Indians were for the first time witnesses of 
the deadly effect of fire-arms, the French were equally surprised by the 
fiendish cruelties inflicted by the Indian warriors upon thoir prisoners. 
"After proceeding about eight leagues down the lake," says Dr. Fitch 
in his admirable history of Washing:ton county, "they landed after 
nightfall ; and, taking one of the prisoners, made a speech to him, up- 
braiding him with the barbarities which he and his people had perpe- 
trated in the war, without showing mercy in any instance, and informing 
bim. that it wouM now devolve on him to submit to the same destiny. 
They then told him to smg if he had any courage : this he commenced 



28 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOtrNlji.IN HEROES. 

pleased with Champlain, and from this time onward, 
their several tribes were firmly attached to the French 
and their interests.* 

doing, but in the most sad and dolorous tones. A fire had been previ- 
ously kindled, and was now burning briskly. Each Indian took from 
it a brand, and commenced burning the skin of the poor creature, a lit- 
tle at a time, to make him suflPer longer torment Remitting this at times, 
they would then throw him on his back in the water. Afterward, pull- 
ing off his finger-nails, they put hot ashes on the ends of his fingers. 
Next, they tore the scalp from the top of his head, and then dropped 
melted pitcli upon the naked skull. They then pierced holes through 
his arms near the wrists, and with sticks drew out therefrom the sinews 
and nerves, forcibly pulling upon them, until they were rent asunder. 
Strange cries at times were uttered by this miserable creature ; yet, dur- 
ing the whole of the horrid performance, he was so firm and unshaken, 
that one would hav-e said he did not feel any pain. The Indians urged 
Champlain to take a firebrand, and join them in their employment. 
But he remonstrated with them, telling them he was unused to such 
cruelties — that his people only shot at their enemies with their guns, 
and if they would only permit him to have one shot at the captive with 
his arquebuse, it was all he would ask. They would not consent to 
this; and, unable longer to endure the sight, he turned away with dis- 
gust. Perceiving his disquietude, they called him back, telling him to 
do as he had desired. He hereupon discharged his arquebuse at the 
sufferer with such effect, that, as Charlevoix intimates in describing this 
scene, be had no occasion for desiring a second shot Even now that 
their victim was dead, they were not satisfied, but, ripping him open, 
they threw his entrails into the lake, and then cut off his head, arms 
and legs, preserving only his scalp, which they added to the number 
they had taken from those who had been killed in the battle. More 
atrocious still, they took his heart, and cutting it into a number of slices, 
gave a piece to one of his own brothers, and to each of the other pris- 
oners, ordering them to eat it These put it into their mouths, but were 
unable to swallow it; whereupon, some of the Algonquin Indians who 
guarded the prisoners, allowed them to spit out the whole and throw it 
into the water." 

• Champlain died at Quebec, in December. 1634 — one hundred years 
ailor CartJer had disco verixl the St Lawrence. He was governor of 



FRENOn WARFARE WITH THE INDIANS. 29 

From this period, an implacable war was carried on 
by the Iroquois against the Canadian settlements on 
the St. Lawrence. For a time, the conduct, the bravery, 
and especially the fire-aryis of the French, proved an 
overmatch for the skill and intrepidity of the Five Na- 
tions, who were defeated in several battles, and reduced 
to great distress. It was at this critical juncture, that 
the Urst Dutch ship arrived in the Hudson river, with 
the colonists who established themselves at Albany. 
The Iroquois, easily procuring from these neighbors a 
supply of that species of arms to which alone their 
enemies had been indebted for their superiority, re- 
vived the war with so much impetuosity and success, 
that the nation of the Adirondacks was completely an- 
nihilated ; and the French too late discovered, that they 
bad espoused the fortunes of the weaker people.* 

Canada from 1610 until the time of his death, with the exception of 
three years, during which period the English had possession of the 
country. By his arduous efforts, Quebec, as early as 1G26, began to 
^ume the appearance of a city. That year a stone fortre-ss was built, 
and the colony was rapidly growing into power. Champlain died after 
having been more than thirty years a resident of Canada. He is repi'e- 
Bented by the writers of that time, as a man of much penetration, activ- 
ity and intrepidity. He could not have succeeded in establishing a new 
city and colony in the midst of a populous, warlike, and savage nation, 
if he had lacked great ability, enterprise and courage. He was a man 
of eminent piety, and zealous in the propagation of the Catholic faith. 
He often said, "the salvation of one soul was of more value than the 
conquest of an empire." 

* One of the stratagems of the Five Nations is worthy of mention. 
At one time they sent the French a proposal for a peace, to which the 
latter readily inclined, and requested the Indians to receive a deputation 
of Jesuits, whose exertions, it was expected, would conciliate their sin- 
cere friendship. The Five Nations willingly agreed, and desired to see 
the prie.sU immediately ; but the instant they got hold of them they 



30 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

flence originated the mutual dread and enmity that so 
long subsisted between the French and confederated 
Indians, and entailed so many calamities upon both. 

The French colony, being in extreme distress, solic- 
ited aid from the mother country. Two regiments 
were sent out by the king, and thus strengthened, 
Courcelles, governor of Canada, dispatched a party by 
the way of Lake Champlain, in the winter of 1665, to 
attack the Five Nations. The French, less accustomed 
to the climate, and less acquainted with the country 
than their savage enemies, attempted vainly to imitate 
their rapid and secret movements. They lost their way 
among the wastes of snow, and often enduring the 
greatest misery, arrived, wdthout knowing where they 
w^ere, at the village of Schenectady, which a Dutch- 
man of consideration, named Corlear, had recently 
founded. The French, exhausted and stupefied with 
cold and hunger, resembled rather an army of beggars, 
than of hostile invaders, and would have fallen an easy 
prey to a body of Indians who w^ere in the village, if 
Corlear, touched with compassion at their miserable 
appearance, had not employed both influence and arti- 
fice with the Indians, to persuade them to spare their 
unfortunate enemies, and depart to defend their own 
people, against a more formidable attack in a diflferent 
quarter, which he led them to expect. When the In- 
dians were gone, Corlear and his townsmen gave re- 
freshments to the famishing Frenchmen, and supplied 
them with provisions and other necessaries to carry 

marched to attack the Indian allies of the French, and taking the prics^a 
with them as hostJiges, to enforce the neutrality of Uieir countrymen, gave 
the Adirondacks a signal defeat. 



FRENCH EXPEDITION AGAINST TELE MOHAWKS. 31 

them home : liaving taught them, by a sensible lesson, 
that it is the mutual duty of men to mitigate by kind- 
ness and charity, instead of aggravating by ambition 
and ferocity, the ills that arise from the rigors of 
climate and the frailty of human nature. The French 
governor expressed much gratitude for Corlear's* kind- 
ness, and the Indians never resented his benevolent 
stratagem. The names of two of the ofificers of Cour- 
celles in this expedition are perpetuated, the one by the 
Sorel river, the other by the town of Chambly. 

To retrieve the misfortunes of their winter expedi- 
tion, the French, in the spring of 1666, with all the 
militia of Canada, amounting to twenty companies uf 
foot, marshed into the Mohawk country. The expedi- 
tion was attended with great expense and fatigue, 
beins continued for more than seven hundred miles 
through an uncultivated and hostile country ; and 
failed in iTiaterially harassing the Indians. At the ap- 
proach of the French, the savages easily found places 
of safety by retiring into the woods and swamps, 
where the French armies could not follow them. The 
result, however, was favorable to the cause of peace. 

* This man enjoyed great influence with the Indians, who, after his 
death, always addressed the governors of New York with the title of 
Corlear, an expression, in their view, significant of kindness, friendship, 
and confidence. Grateful for his unexpected, if not undeserved hospi- 
tality, Courcelles invited Corlear to visit him in Canada. The inviUtion 
was accepted, but on his journey thither, this noble man was unfortu- 
nately drowned in Lake Champlain. The lake in which he perished, the 
Indians afterward called Corlear's Lake, by which name it was commonly 
known among the English and Dutch, for many years. The erroneous 
idea, that Champlain perished in the lake which bears his name, waa 
obviously derived from this incident 



^32 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOEB. 

The French, exhausted with the expense and fatigue 
of the campaign, and mortified by their want of suc- 
cess, did not wish to repeat the experiment of another 
expedition into the Indian territory. The Indians 
were not pleased to see the war brought into the heart 
of their own territory, and were not yet able to oppose 
a large body of men armed and disciplined in the 
European manner, with much prospect of success. 
And at length, after a long period of severe but inde- 
cisive hostilities, both parties, wearied of war, but not 
exhausted of animosity, agreed to a general peace, 
which was concluded in the year 1667. Thus, for the 
first time, the blessings of complete peace were real- 
ized by the French colonies. 

During the partial cessation of hostilities between 
the French and Indians, for almost twenty years, the 
former, by insidious artifices, did much to influence 
the Indians against the English settlers in New Eng- 
land, and doubtless afibrded them aid in their bar- 
barous w^arfare upon the English settlements. The 
French, whose suppleness of character and demeanor^ 
was always more acceptable to the Indians in their 
native condition, than the grave, unbending spiiit of 
the English, found it easier to cultivate and employ, 
*han to check or eradicate the treachery and cruelty 

* A curious instance of the complaisance of the French, is related by 
Oldmixon in his account of the savages who were greatly charmed with 
the good breeding of the Fiench, in always appearing perfectly naked 
in their mutual conferences ("Iharlevoix, a French author, boasted that 
the Fren'^h were the only Europeans who had ever succeeded in render- 
ing themselves agreeable to the Indians. Whatever reason he may have 
had for this boast, he had no reason to glory in the means by which 
they courted popularity 



FIRST ENGLISH PRISONERS IN CANADA. 33 

of their Indian neighbors. The encouragement of the 
French allies prevailed with the Indians to reject all 
friendly overtures from the English, which, at first, 
they seemed willing to accept, and their native ferocity 
prompted them to signalize their enmity by a series of 
unprovoked and unexpected massacres. So openly did 
the French afford aid to the Indians toward the close 
of King Philip's war, that Frenchmen were known to 
accompany their war-parties, and several prisoners, 
taken in battle, were carried to Canada and sold to the 
French. Hatfield, a settlement on the Connecticut 
river, furnished the first of that long procession of 
prisoners who, during the succeeding seventy years, 
were transported from New England across the Green 
Mountains and over Lake Champlain to Canada. 
Toward the close of 1677, fifty Indians from Canada 
surprised the settlement, and captured about twenty 
prisoners, among whom were several women and chil- 
dren. On their march to Canada, the prisoners en- 
dured great hardships, and were often threatened with 
death. One man was actually burned at the stake, 
with the usual Indian barbarity. The remainder were 
sold to the French. Two of the women were wives of 
men named Wait and Jennings. On hearing that 
they had been conveyed to Canada, the husbands 
made application to the governor of Massachusetts for 
commissions, authorizing them to proceed to Canada, 
and ransom them. Starting in the winter, they pursued 
their perilous journey across Lake Champlain, and 
finally arrived at Chambly. There they found the 
captives, some of whom had been pawned by the sav- 

jiijjes for liquor. Paying two hundred pounds for the 

2^ 



34 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MO DNTAIN HEEOES. 

ransom of the prisoners, these noble men started in the 
spring of 1678 on their return home. Their progress 
was slow, 'for they were compelled to procure their 
provisions by hunting. Early in the summer they 
reached home, without accident. This was the tirst 
tour performed by ]S'ew-England men across the coun- 
try so often traversed for similar purposes in the sub- 
sequent wars, and w^hich became the grand theater of 
military operations between the French and English 
m later times. After this event, tranquillity prevailed 
along the New-England frontiers for about ten years. 
The peace which, for nearly twenty years, had been 
maintained between the French and the Five Nations, 
was broken in 1087, and hostilities were carried on 
between them with a mutual fury and ferocity, that 
seemed totally to obliterate the distinctions between 
civilized and savage men. Although unaided, the 
Five Nations maintained the struggle with an energy 
that promised the preservation of their independence, 
and finally, with a success that threatened even the 
subjugation of their civilized adversaries. Undertaking 
an expedition with twelve hundred of their warriors 
against Montreal, they conducted their march with 
such rapidity and secrecy, as to surprise the French in 
almost unguarded security. The suddenness and fury 
of their attack proved irresistible. They burned the 
town, sacked the plantations, put a thousand of the 
French to the sword, and carried away a number of 
prisoners whom they burned alive ; returning to their 
friends with only a loss of three of their own number. 
They strained every nerve to follow up their advantage, 
and shortly after their attack on Montreal, possessed 



FRENCH EXPEDITION AGAINST SCHENECTADY. 35 

themselves of several fortresses which the garrisoDS 
abandoned in the panic. They reduced every station 
that the French possessed in Canada, to a state of the 
utmost terror and distress. Nothing could have saved 
the French from utter destruction, but the ignorance 
which disabled the Indians from attacking fortified 
places ; and it was evident that a single vigorous act 
of interposition by the English colonists — compelled 
by treaty to remain inactive spectators of the contest — 
would have sufficed to terminate forever the rivalry 
of France and England in this quarter of the world. 

The condition of the French in Canada, was suddenly 
raised from the brink of ruin, by the arrival of a stroTig 
reinforcement from the parent state, under the conL 
mand of a skillful and enterprising officer, the old Count 
de Frontignac, who now assumed the government of 
the French settlements, and quickly gave a different 
complexion to their affairs. He set on foot a treaty 
with the Five JSTations, and succeeded, meanwhile, in 
obtaining a suspension of their hostilities. About this 
time war was declared between France and England ; 
and he boldly determined to revive the drooping spirits 
of the colony, by making an attack upon 'New York. 

A considerable body of French and Indians was 
accordingly collected and dispatched in the depth of 
winter against New York. By a strange coincidence, 
which must ever stain the name of the French colonists 
with the blackest ingratitude and dishonor, this party, 
like their predecessors in 1665, after wandering for 
twenty-two days through deserts rendered trackless by 
snow, approached the village of Schenectady in so 
exhausted a condition that they had determined to 



i 



86 ETHAJJT ALLEN AND OREEN-MOD NTAIN IIEKOES. 

•urrena©* *.v.ein8elve8 to the inliabitants as prisoners of 
war. But, arriving at a late huur un an inclement 
night, (February 8, 1()90,) and hearing from the mes- 
Bengers that they had Bent forward, tliat the inhabitants 
were all in bed, without even the precaution of a public 
watch, they exchanged their intention of imploring 
mercy to themselves, for a plan of nocturnal attack 
and massacre of the defenseless people, to whose charity 
their own countrymen had once been so deeply in- 
debted. This detestable requital of good with evil, 
was executed with a barbarity which of itself must be 
acknowledged to form one of tlio most revolting and 
terrific pictures that has ever been exhibited of hu- 
man cruelty and ferocity. Dividing themselves into 
a number of parties, they set lire to the village in 
various places, and attacked the inhabitants with fatal 
advantage, when, alarmed by the conflagration, they 
endeavored to escape from the burning houses. The 
exhausted strength of the Frenchmen seemed to revive 
with the work of destruction, and to gather energy 
from the animated horror of the scene. Not only were 
all the male inliabitants they could reach put to death, 
bat women and children were barbarously murdered. 
13ut either the delay occasioned by their elaborate 
cruelty, or the more merciful haste of the flames to 
announce the calamity to those who might still fly 
from the assassins, enabled many of the inhabitants to 
escape. The eflbrts of the assailants were also some- 
what impeded by a sagacious discrimination which 
they thought it expedient to exercise. Though un- 
mindful of benefits, they were not regardless of policy, 
and of a number of Mohawk Indians wlu> were in the 



WARFARE IN NEW ENGLAND. 37 

village, not one sustained an injury. Sixty persona 
perished in the massacre, and twenty-seven were taken 
prisoners. Of the fugitives who escaped half naked, 
and made their way through a storm to Albany, 
twenty-live lost their limbs from the intensity of the 
frost. The French having totally destroyed the vil- 
lage, retired across Lake Champlain loaded with plun- 
der. They were pursued by a party of young men, 
who killed or captured twenty-tive. 

In concert with the expedition against New York 
under D'Aillebout, Front.ignac sent a party of French 
and Indians, under the command of Sieur Ilertel, to 
lay waste the frontier settlements of Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire.* This expedition was also 

• At Salmon Falls, in New Ilampshire, thirty persons were killed, 
and fifty-four, chiefly women and cljildreu, were carried into captivity. 
Among the prisoners was a Mr. Rodgers, who, being quite corjjulent, 
was unable to carry the burden inij)()H<!d upon him, and attempted to es- 
cape in the woods. The Indians cau<j;ht him, strijjped, beat and pricked 
him with their kfives ; then tied hitn to a tree and danced around him 
until they had kindled a fire. They gave him time to pray and take 
leave of his fellow -prisoners, who were compelled to witness his death. 
They piished tlie fire toward him, and when he was almost stifled, took 
it away to give him time to breatlie, and thus prolong his misery ; they 
drowned his dying groans with their hideous singing and yelling; all 
the while dancing around the tire, and cutting off pieces of his flesh and 
throwing them in his face. When he was dead they left his body broil- 
itig on the coals, in which state it was found by his friends, and buried. 

An anecdote of a different character is told of this expedition. While 
Rn Indian was preparing strings to bind a i)risoiier named Toogood, the 
latter seized his gun and went backward, keeping the gun pointed at the 
Indian, and threatened to shoot him if he alarmed the othei-s, who had 
passed over the brow of a hill. By compelling the Indian to follow him 
Bome distance, he was enabled to make his escape, his adversary calling 
him Nogood, Nogood. When the Indian returned to hie companions 
wilhout gun or prisoner, th«y ridiculed him heartily 



38 ETHAN ALLEN ANE GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

successfux, and marked . with cruelties scarcely lesi 
monstrous than those committed at Schenectady. The 
success that attended these expeditions served to revive 
the spirits of the French colony, and at the same time 
occasioned great alarm in every part of the English 
plantations. Aided by Frontignac, the Indians made 
frequent incursions into the English settlements, and 
wherever they went committed the most horrid acts 
of savage cruelty.* The French, by giving premiums 
for scalps, and by purchasing the English prisoners, 
animated the Indians to exert all their activity and 

* In 1689, the Indians, having resolved upon attacking Dover in New 
Hampshire, employed their usual art to lull the suspicions of the inhab- 
itants. So civil and respectful was their behavior, that they occasionally 
obtained permission to sleep in the fortified houses in the town. On 
the evening of the fatal night, they assembled in the neighborhood and 
sent their women to apply for lodgings at the houses devoted to destruc- 
tion. When all was quiet, the doors were opened and the signal given. 
Against Major Waldron, one of the principal inhabitants, their animosity 
was particularly excited by his former harsh dealings with the Indians. 
They rushed into his house, and hastened to his apaitment Awakened 
by the noise, he seized his sword and drove them back; but when re- 
turning for his other arms, was stunned with .a hatchet and fell. They 
then dragged him into his hall, seated him in an elbow-chair upon a 
long table, and insultingly asked, "Who shall judge Indians now ? »• 
After feasting upon provisions which they compelled the rest of the 
furnily to procure, each one, with a knife, cut gashes in Waldron's breast, 
sayi. g, " I cross out my account!" They then cut off his nose and 
ears, and forced them into his mouth ; and when, weakened from the 
losfi of blood, he was about to fall from the table, his own sword was 
held under him, which put ar. c'nd to his tortures. At other houses, sim- 
ilar acts of cruelty were perpetrated, and in the whole, twenty-three 
persons were killed, and twenty-nine carried prisoners to Canada, who 
were shortly sold to the French. Maniy houses were burned and ninch 
pro])erty was plundered ; but so expeditious were the Indians, that 
they had fled beyond reach before the neighboring people could be 
collected 



EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC. 39 

address, and the frontier inhabitants endured the most 
aggravated sufferings. 

To avenge these barbarities, a combined invasion 
of Canada was projected. An expedition commanded 
by Sir William Phipps,* sailed from Boston against 
Quebec; and the united forces of Connecticut and 
Kew York, under the command of General Winthrop, 
were to march against Montreal, by the way of Lake 
Champlain. The first, commanded by Phipps, con- 
sisted of forty vessels, and the number of troops on 
board amounted to over two thousand. These were 
furnished by Massachusetts and New Hampshire. 
Phipps arrived before Quebec so late in the season, 
that there was but little opportunity for accomplishing 
his purpose. The English were arrested in various 

* Sir "William Phipps was a native of Massachusetts, and notwith- 
Btandinpj a mean education, and the depression of the humblest circum- 
stances, had raised himself by the mere vigor of his mind to a conspicuous 
rank, and gained a high reputation for spirit, skill and success. Ha kept 
sheep in his native province until he was eighteen years of age, and was 
afterward apprenticed to a ship-carpenter. When he was freed from his 
indentures, he pursued a seafaring life, and attained the station of captain 
of a merchant vessel. Having met with an accouut of the wreck of a 
Spanish ship, loaded with great treasures, near the Bahama Islands, about 
fifty years before, he conceived a plan of extricating the buried treasures 
from the V)owels of the deep ; and, transporting himself to England, ho 
Stated his scheme so plausibly, that the king was struck with it, and in 
1683 sent him out with a vessel to make the attempt It proved unsuc- 
cessful ; and all bis urgency could not induce the king to engage in a 
repetition of it. But the Duke of Albemarle, resuming the design, 
equipped a vessel for the purpose, and gave the command of it to Phipps, 
who now realizing the expectations be bad formed, succeeded in raising 
specie to the value of $1,500,000, from the bottom of the ocean. Of 
this treasure he obtained a portion sufficient to make his fortune, with a 
itiil larger meed of general consideration and applause. 



40 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

severe encounters, and compelled at length to make 
a precipitate retreat ; and the fleet, after having sus- 
tained considerable loss in the voyage homeward, 
returned to Boston. 

General Winthrop, with a thousand men, marched 
from Albany into the northern wilderness, with the 
design of passing through Lake Champlain and cap- 
turing Montreal. But this army, the forerunner of the 
many marshaled hosts that for almost a century after- 
ward, made Lake Champlain and the country border- 
ing on it their highway, was retarded by defective 
arrangements, and disappointed by the friendly In- 
dians who had engaged to furnish them with canoes 
for crossing rivers. After marching some distance 
toward Montreal, the commander deemed it expedient 
to retreat without doing any injury to the enemy. 

Yexed at having the expedition thus abandoned, 
and knowing that the friendly Indians were losing 
confidence in the energy and power of their English 
allies. Captain John Schuyler, (grandfather of General 
Philip Schuyler of our revolutionary history,) enlisted 
a force of thirty whites and one hundred and twenty 
Indians, the same fall, and made an excursion to the 
St. Lawrence, destroyed the village of La Prairie, took 
nineteen prisoners, devastated the country in the 
vicinity of Montreal, and returned in triumph to 
Albany.* 

The following year, (1691,) Major Peter Schuyler, 
(brother to John Schuyler,) having acquired extraor- 
dinary influence with the Five Nations by his courage, 

* Fitcli's Hiator}' of Wasliingtun County. 



FKENCU EMULATION OF INDIAN CRUELTY. 41 

good sense, and friendly attention to their interests, 
undertook an expedition against Montreal, at the head 
of a considerable body of colonial and Indian forces. 
Though the invaders were finally compelled to retreat, 
the French sustained great loss in several encounters * 
and such was the spirit and animosity of the Fiv 
Nations, that they continued, during the winter, to 
wage incessant and harassing hostilities against the 
French, although the colonial troops had returned to 
their homes. Count Frontignac was so er.asperated 
by their continued assaults, that he condemned to a 
death accompanied by all the torments French inge- 
nuity could devise, two Mohawk captives^ whom the 
fate of war had thrown into his power.* The peace of 
Ryswick, in 1697, put an end to hostilities for a brief 
period, between the rival colonies of the French and 
English. 

In a few years war again broke out in Europe, and 
hostilities speedily recommenced in America. The 

* Shortly before the execution, some FrenchTnan, less inhuman than 
his governor, threw a knife into the prison, and one of the Mohawks 
immediately dispatched himself with it ; the other, expressing contempt 
at his companion's mean evasion of glory, walked to the stake, singing 
in his death-chant, that he was a Mohawk warrior ; that all the power of 
man could not extort an expression of suffering from his lips ; and that it 
was ample consolation to him to reflect that he had made many French- 
men suffer the same pangs that he must now himself undergo. When 
attached to the stake, he looked round on his executioners, their instru- 
ments of torture, and the assembled multitude of spectators, with all the 
complacency of heroic fortitude, and, after enduring for some hours, with 
composed mien and triumphant language, a series of barbarities too atro- 
cious to be narrated, his sufferings were terminated by the interposition 
of a Frencli^lady, who prevailed with the governor to order tliat mortal 
olow, to which human cruelty has given the name of coup dc grace, or 
stroke oi favor 



42 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOFNTAIN HEE0E8. 

first blow fell upon Deerfield, which was at that time 
the most northerly settlement on tlie Connecticut river, 
a few families at Northfield excepted. Against this 
place a party of two hundred French, and one hundred 
and fifty Indians was sent. They w^ere under the 
command of Ilertel de Rouville, assisted by four of his 
brothers, all of whom had become distinguished in the 
"wars. They passed up Lake Champlain until they 
reached the Winooski (at that time called French) 
river. There they crossed over to Connecticut river, 
and traveled on the ice until they arrived in the vicin- 
ity of Deerfield. Early on the morning of March 12, 
1704, Eouville attacked the village. The snow around 
the fort was in many places drifted nearly to the top 
of the palisades, and the enemy found no difficulty 
in surmounting these defenses. The occupants were 
buried in profound sleep. A simultaneous assault was 
made upon all the houses, the doors were broken open, 
and the people seized in their beds. When resistance 
was attempted, the tomahawk or musket ended the 
strife. A few were so fortunate as to escape by flight 
to the ai3jacent woods ; but the greater part were either 
killed or made prisoners. 

Early in the assault, about thirty Indians attacked 
the house of the iCev. John Williams, who, awaking 
from a sound sleej), instantly leaped from his bed, ran 
toward the door, and found a party entering. Calling 
to awaken a couple of soldiers in his chamber, he 
seized a pistol, presented it at the breast ^f the fore- 
most Indian, and attempted to shoot him ; but the 
pistol missed fire. He was instantly overpowered, 
bound, and kept for an hour without his clothes. Two 



MASSACRE AT DEERFIELD. 43 

of his young children were dragged to the door and 
murdered, and his negro-woman shared the same fate. 
Mrs. Williams and live children, the youngest of whom 
was but a few weeks old, were also captured. 

Another dwelling-house was successfully defended 
by seven armed men and a few women, by whom it 
was occupied. While the brave defenders were pour- 
ing their lire upon the assailants from the windows and 
loop-holes, the no less brave women were busily em- 
ployed in casting balls for future supply. Unable to 
carry the house, or intimidate the defenders to a sur- 
render by all their threats and stratagems, the enemy 
gave up their efforts, and cautiously endeavored to 
keep out of the range of the shot. But notwithstanding 
their precautions, several were singled out and shot 
down by the marksmen in the house. 

Having collected the prisoners, plundered and set 
fire to the buildings, Rouville began to retrace his 
march to Canada. But a party of the inhabitants who 
had escaped, returned to the village, and, joined by the 
men who had defended their house, and a few people 
who had hurried on from Hatfield, pursued the enemy, 
and a sharp skirmish ensued ; but, being at length 
nearly encircled by a superior force, they were com- 
pelled to retire, with the loss of nine of their number. 
The pursuit, though highly honorable to the bravery 
of the pursuers, exposed the captives to imminent 
danger. During the fight, the English maintained 
their ground with great resolution, and at one crisis, 
Rouville, apprehending a defeat, sent orders for the 
C£i.{)tive8 to be tomahawked ; but fortunately the mes 
eenger was killed before he delivered his orders 



44 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

Preparations were however made by the Indians who 
guarded the prisoners, to put them to death in case 
of the defeat of their party. On the retreat of the 
English, Rouville countermanded his order, and saved 
the captives. 

The whole number of prisoners amounted to one 
hundred and twelve. Forty-seven were slain, and the 
loss of the enemy was about the same. The entire 
village was reduced to ashes with the exception of one 
house, which is still sj:anding, and the traces of the 
tomahawks and bullets are still to be seen. 

Soon after the action, Kouville commenced his 
march for Canada. Most gloomy were the prospects 
of the captives. Many were women then in a condition 
requiring the most tender treatment ; some were young 
children whose feeble frames could not sustain the 
fatigues of a day ; others were infants, carried in the 
arms of their parents. Several of the men were suffer- 
ing from severe wounds. The distance to Canada was 
nearly three hundred miles, through a country wild 
and waste. It was in the midst of winter, and the 
ground was deeply covered with snow. The whole 
party was unsupplied with provisions, and dependent 
solely for food upon the game that should be killed 
on their route. The first day's m.arch was necessarily 
slow and difficult. Tlie Indians, probably from a de- 
sire to save the young to dispose of in Canada, or to 
retain for their own service, rather than from tender- 
ness, assisted the parents by carrying the children 
upon their backs. At night, they encamped by clear- 
ing away the snow, spreading boughs, and construct- 
ing slight cabins of brush. The prisoners were as 



SUFFERINGS OF THE CAPTIYE8. 45 

comfortably lodged as circumstances would admit. To 
prevent escapes, the most athletic were bound, and se- 
cured according to the Indian mode, and this was prac- 
ticed at the subsequent night camps. Notwithstanding 
this precaution, Joseph Alexander, one of the prisoners, 
had the good fortune to escape. To deter others from 
similar attempts, Mr. Williams, who was considered as 
the head of the captives, was informed, that in case of 
another escape, the remainder should suffer death by 
fire. In the course of the night, some of the Indians 
became intoxicated with spirits which they had found 
at Deerfield, and fell upon Mr. Williams' negro and 
murdered him. 

The second day's march was equally slow, and Mr. 
Williams was permitted, for a short time, to assist his 
distressed wife in traveling, who now began to be ex- 
hausted ; but he was soon torn from her and placed at 
the head of the column, leavinor her to struo^o-le alons: 
unassisted. At the upper part of Greenfield meadow, 
it became necessary to pass Green river, a small stream 
then open, in performing which, Mrs. Williams fell 
into the water ; but recovering herself, she with difli- 
culty reached the shore and continued her route. An 
abrupt hill was now to be surmounted, and Mr. Wil- 
liams, who had gained the summit, entreated his mas- 
ter (for so the Indian who captured him was called,) 
for leave to return and help forward his distressed 
wife, but was barbarously refused, and she was left 
to struggle with difficulties beyond her power. Her 
ferocious master finding her a burthen, sunk his hatchet 
in her head, arid left her dead at the foot of the hill. 
Her body was soon after taken up by a party from 



46 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

field, and interred in the public burial-ground in that 
town, where her grave-stones, with those of her hus- 
band, Mr. Williams, are still to be seen. 

Rouville encamped the second night in the northerly 
part of the present town of Bernardston. A young 
woman and an infant were dispatched in the course 
of this day's march. At this camp a consultation 
was held by the Indians in regard to killing and 
scalping Mr. Williams ; but his master, unwilling to 
part with so valuable a prize, interfered and saved 
him from the Latch et. The next day the captives 
were more equally distributed for convenience of 
marching, and several exchanged masters. The fourth 
day brought the army to Connecticut river, about 
thirty miles above Deerfield, probably in the upper 
part of Brattleborough,, Vermont. Here slight sledges 
were constructed, for the conveyance of the children, 
wounded and baggage, and the march, w'hich was now 
on the ice, became more rapid. One female was this 
day relieved from her sufferings by a stroke of the 
hatchet. 

The march on Connecticut river continued several 
days without any extraordinary incident, excepting 
now and then the murder of an exhausted captive. 
On the first Sunday, the prisoners were permitted to 
halt and rest themselves, and Mr. Williams delivered a 
discourse from these words : * " The Lord is righteous^ 
for I have rebelled against his commandiupnts : Hear 
I pray you^ all people^ and hehold my sorroio : My 

* This sermon is said to have been delivered at the njouth of Williams' 
river, in Rockingham, Vermont : froir -^hich circumstance the river 
received its name. 



ANECDOTE. 47 

virgins and young men are gone into captivity^^ 
Lamentations, i. 18. 

At the mouth of White river, Iloiivil]e divided his 
force into several parties, and they took different routes 
to the St. Lawrence. The one which Mr. Williams 
accompanied, ascended the former river, and passing 
the higlilands to the Winooski, proceeded down 
that stream to Lake Champlain, and continued the 
march on tlie lake to Missisco bay, near which they 
joined a party of Indians on a hunting excursion. On 
reaching the Sorel, they built canoes and passed down 
to Chambly, w-here they found a French fort and a 
small garrison. Their route was then continued to the 
village of Sorel, where some of the captives had already 
arrived. Mr. Williams was thence conveyed down 
the St. Lawrence to the Indian village of St. Francis, 
and some time after, to Quebec ; and after a short 
residence at that place, was sent to Montreal, where he 
was humanely treated by Governor Yaudreuil. Some 
of Mr. Williams' children accompanied another party, 
and after much delay and great suffering, arrived at 
various Indian lodges on the St. Lawrence. In a few 
instances, the captives were purchased of the Indians ; 
but the greatest proportion were retained by them, 
at their lodges in various parts of the country. Of 
the one hundred and twelve taken at Deerfield, 
about seventeen were killed, or died on the march, 
and the sufferings of all w^ere severe in the extreme. 
An anecdote is told of a boy among the prisoners who, 
having nothing given him to eat, ran up to an old 
Indian, and snatched a bone from his hands. Contrary 
to the ex})ectation of the other captives, the Indian was 



4:8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROEa. 

not displeased, but laughed heartily at the courage of 
the lad. He was afterward treated with much kind- 
ness, and became a favorite with the Indians. 

During his captivity, Mr. Williams was permitted 
to visit various places on the St. Lawrence, and in his 
interviews with the French Jesuits, he found them 
zealously attached to the Roman Catholic religion, to 
which they spared no pains to convert him, as. well as 
the other captives ; and in some instances they inflicted 
punishments for non-compliance with their ceremonies. 
But they found him as zealously attached to his own 
faith, and through his influence, most of the captives 
continued firm in the protestant persuasion. In 1706, 
a flag-ship was sent to Quebec by Governor Dudley, by 
which fifty-seven of the captives were obtained and 
conveyed to Boston, among whom was Mr. Williams* 
and his children, with the exception of his daughter 
Eunice, who, notwithstanding all the exertions of her 
father to obtain her redemption, was left among the 
Indians, and, adopting their manners and customs, 
married a savage, by whom she had several children. 
Some time alter the war, she with her husband, visited 
her relations at Deerfield, dressed in the Indian cos- 
tume ; and though every persuasion was tried to induce 
her to abandon the Indians, and to remain among her 
connections, all proved ineflfectual ; she returned to 

* This worthy man was born at Roxbuiy, Massachusetts, in the year 
1664. In 1683, after graduating at Hartford college, he became the 
pastor of the chur.ch at Deerfield, and was the first settled minister in 
the western part of Massachusetts. His people found in hira an able, 
conscientious, and judicious friend, capable both of directing their devo- 
tions, and of assisting them in the difficulties and hardships of frontier 
life. After his return to Boston, several of the wealthiest paiishes ic 



THE BELL OF ST. KEQI8. 4:9 

Canada, and there ended her days, a true savage. 
Twentv-eight of the captives remained in Canada, 
and, mixing with the French and Indians, and adopting 
their manners and customs, forgot their native country, 
and were lost to their friends. 

New York having agreed with the French and 
western Indians to remain neutral, the enemy were 
enabled to pour their w^hole force upon Massachusetts 
and IS^ew Hampshire, the inhabitants of which, for tea 

that vicinity, urged him to settle with them. He declined any offer of 
this kind, and, in accordance with a vow made in his captivity, he re- 
turned to Deerfield, collected his scattered flock, and began again wiih 
them the labors, and endured with them the privations and perils of a 
new settlement. His salary was at first forty *pounds, but was raised m 
1711 to sixty. He married a second wife, by whom he had several chil- 
dren. He remained at Deerfield until his death, in 1728. His grandson, 
Df. Samuel Williams, was the first historian of Vermont. Charles K. 
Williams, the son of the latter, was for thirty years a judge of the 
supreme court of Vermont, and recently governor of that state. 

One of the motives for the expedition against Deerfield, was to recover 
a bell which had been purchased in France for a Roman Catholic church 
at St Re<;is, on the St. Lawrence. The French and English being then 
at war, the vessel in which the bell was shipped fell into the hards »( 
the latter. It was taken to Salem, and in 1703, purchased for the church 
of Mr. Williams, at Deerfield. After the ma.ssacre at the latter place. 
" the bell was conveyed in triumph through the forest to Lake Cham- 
plain, at the spot where Burlington now stands, where the Indians buried 
it with the benedictions of father Nicolas, the priest of St. Regis, who 
accompanied them. Thus far they had carried it by means of timber 
upon their shoulders. They hastened home and returned in early spring, 
with oxen and sled, to convey the sacred bell, now doubly hallowed in 
tit"': minds, to its destinaticm. The Indians of the village had never 
heard the sound of a bell, and powerful was the impression uptm their 
minds, when its deep tones, louder and louder, broke the silence of the for- 
est, as it approached their village at evening, suspended upon a cross-jiiece 
of timber, and rung, continually by the deliifhted carriers. It was hiuig 
in the steeple with solemn ceremonv, and there it remaius." — Losnng. 



50 ETHAN ALLEN ANB GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

years, endured the miseries peculiar to an Indian war, 
of wliicb no description can give an adequate idea. The 
enemy was at all times prowling about the frontier 
settlements, watching in concealment for an opportu- 
nity to strike a sudden blow, and to fly with safety. 
The women and children retired into the garrisons ; 
the men left their fields uncultivated, or labored with 
arms at their sides, and with sentinels at every point 
whence an attack could be apprehended. Yet, not- 
withstanding these precautions, the Indians were often 
successful, killing sometimes an individual, sometimes 
a whole family, sometimes a band of laborers ten or 
twelve in number; and so swift were they in their 
movements, that but few fell into the hands of the 
English. 

Determined to give the frontiers no respite, and 
probably animated by the success of Rouville at Deer- 
field, four hundred French and Indians marched from 
Canada, the same year, (1704.) across the Green Moun- 
tains, and, on the 31st of July, fell upon Lancaster 
in Massachusetts. Six fortified houses were simul- 
taneously attacked, but the enemy met with so warm 
a reception that they were compelled to retire. Before 
they left the place, most of the other buildings were 
fired, and reduced to ashes. Three hundred men frc>m 
the adjacent towns, hurried on to the place toward 
tlie close of the day, came up with and engaged the 
enemy, and several were killed on each side. 

In the autumn, the French suffered a severe loss, 
by the capture of a large store-ship called the Seine, 
on her passage from France ; on board of which were 
a number of ecclesiastics and laymen, of great fortunes. 



COLONIAL WAR WITH CAJS'ADA. 51 

The cargo was estimated at two hundred thousand 
dollars. The loss of this ship was a great embarrass- 
ment to the military operations of the French in 
Canada, and very few depredations were committed 
in 1705. Yaudreuil, the governor of Canada, made 
propositions to Governor Dudley of Massachusetts, for 
a treaty of neutrality between the hostile colonies. 
The latter, then contemplating the conquest of Canada, 
was opposed to the measure, but he had the address 
to protract the negotiation, under the pretense of con- 
sulting the other English governors. In the mean 
time, negotiations for an exchange of prisoners were 
carried on ; and it was by this arrangement that a 
large portion of the Deerlield captives were finally 
released. 

In 1707, Massachusetts, l^ew Hampshire and Khode 
Island dispatched an armament against Port Koyal 
in Nova Scotia, then in possession of the French, 
which returned, however, without efiecting its object; 
but in 1710, the troops of New England, assisted by 
a British fleet, succeeded in reducing the place, and 
in compliment to Queen Anne, changed its name to 
Annapolis. 

The only effectual way to put an end to the depre- 
dations of the enemy, seemed to be the subjugation of 
Canada. Representations to this effect were acqui- 
esced in by the British ministry early in 1709, and 
they promised to dispatch a squadron, containing five 
regiments, to Boston. The colonial governments east 
of Connecticut, were required to raise twelve hun- 
dred men, with suitable transports and provisions for 
three months, to accompany the British troops against 



62 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN tiEKOES. 

Quebec. The other colonies were to equip fiiteen 
hundred men to proceed by the way of Lake Cham- 
plain, and make an attack upon Montreal. The latter 
were put under the command of Governor ^Nicholson, 
who, early in the summer, marched to Lake Cham- 
plain, to be in readiness to cooperate with the arma- 
ment to be dispatched against Quebec. These were 
joined by six hundred Indians. AVhile the latter 
were engaged in the construction of canoes, the for- 
mer were cutting roads between the Hudson river 
and Lake Cliamphiin, erecting forts, and supplying 
them with provisions. Every thing promised success. 
The Indians appeared to be heartily engaged in the 
enterprise. Joy and triumphant exultation pervaded 
the colonies. But the English squadron w^as delayed 
far beyond the appointed time, and at last intelligence 
arrived that, on account of reverses in Portugal, the 
fleet destined for this enterprise was directed to pro- 
ceed to the relief of the British army in Portugal. 
In connection with this disappointment, a fatal e])i- 
deniic broke out among the troops on Lake Champlain. 
Probably not less than a thousand men fell victims 
to this epidemic, which, with the non-arrival of the 
promised force from England, induced Nicholson to 
abandon the enterprise and to dismiss his trooj»s. 
Thus terminated the second o^reat effort for the sub- 
jugation of the French in Canada. 

Encouraged, however, by the'success of his expedi- 
tion against Port Boyal, Governor Nicholson visited 
England in 1710, to concert another campaign for 
the complete subjugation of Canada. Ilis plans were 
adopted, and in June, 1711, Admiral AValker, with a 



BRITISH FLEET DISPERSED. 63 

fleet of fifteen ships of war, and forty transports, 
bringing an army of veteran troops, arrived at Boston. 
Taking on board two additional regiments, he sailed 
from that port abont the last of July. At the same 
time, Governor Nicholson repaired to Albany, to take 
command of the troops that were to proceed by the 
way of Lake Champlain. When the fleet had ad- 
vanced ten leagues up the St. Lawrence, the weather 
became tempestuous and foggy. A difference of 
opinion arose concerning the course to be pursued : 
the English pilots recommending one course, and 
the colonial another. The admiral, like most EriHish 
officers, preferred the advice of his own pilots to the 
colonial. Pursuing the course they recommended, 
during the night, nine transports were driven upon 
the rocks and dashed to pieces. From every quarter 
cries of distress arose, conveying, through the dark- 
ness, to those who were yet afloat, intelligence of the 
jfejte of their comrades, and of their own danger. The 
shf.ieks of the drowning pleaded powerfully for assist- 
ances but none could be aff(.)rded until the mornino' 
dawned, when six or seven hundred, found floating 
on the scattered wrecks, were rescued from death, 
more than a thousand having sunk to rise no more. 
Only one of the colonial vessels was wrecked, but 
all the persons on board escaped the watery grave 
in which so many of Iheir brethren from the mother 
country were lost. Weakened by this terrible disaster, 
the admiral determined to abandon the enterprise and 
return to England. 

The army designed to invade Canada by way of 
L?ke Champlain, had not advanced far from Albany, 



54: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

before tbej received intelligence of the disaster which 
had attended the fleet. JS'othing remained for Nichol- 
son but to disband his troops and return. The Mar- 
quis de Yaudreuil, governor of Canada, had been at 
Quebec, preparing to repulse the British armament. 
He received intelligence from the fishermen, that sev- 
eral vessels had been wrecked, and that numerous 
dead bodies, with red coats, had drifted to the shore, 
but that there were no ships in the river. Yaudreuil, 
justly concluding that the English fleet, had suff'ered 
80 much as to induce them to abandon their attempt 
upon Quebec, ordered his united forces to Montreal 
and Lake Cham])lain, to oppose the advance of Nich- 
olson's army. Three thousand French troops were 
posted at Chamblj, to check his approach to Mon- 
treal. But Yaudreuil soon learned that he had nothing 
to fear from the colonial army ; that it had been dis- 
banded upon tlie intelligence of the disaster that hr.d' 
befallen the fleet; and that the people of Albaj;^, 
instead of being engaged in any hostile attempts ag Inst 
Montreal, were in much anxiety concerning the'yf own 
safety. But he was not prepared to take adv^antage 
of the calamities of the English, and invade the col- 
onies. Such was the disastrous termination of the 
third systematic attempt to subjugate Canada. 

In 1713, the treaty of Utrecht put an end to the 
wars between the French and English colonies, and for 
tliirty years they enjoyed the benefits of peace. Dur- 
ing this period of ti-anquillity, the earliest settlements 
in Yermont occurred, and were made almost contempo- 
raneously by the English on the Connecticut river, and 
by the Frerch on Lake Champlain. The boundaries 



FEENCH DISCOVERIES. 66 

between the two nations Lad never been defined, and 
as the outskirts of their respective settlements began 
to meet, disputes in regard to jurisdiction arose, and 
the red flames of war were again kindled. 

The early discoveries of Cartier had turned the eyes 
of France toward the St. Lawrence and the neighbor- 
ing territory, and established her claim to it, according 
to that peculiar code by which European powers had 
deemed it proper to apportion among themselves the 
rest of the world. Although Canada had scarcely any 
likeness to the smiling and luxuriant aspect of Florida, 
or even of Virginia, yet it opened into regions of vast 
extent ; and the tracing to distant fountains the sea- 
like abyss of its waters, presented more than common 
attraction to curiosity and adventure. But for fifty 
years after their discovery, the French government 
gave but little encouragement to the plan of colonizing 
these northern regions, and after the project was un- 
dertaken, more attention was given to the consolidation 
and improvement of the colony, than to exploring the 
expanse of interior America. The Count de Fron- 
tignac, however, was of a more enterprising spirit. He 
extended the range of settlement to the shores of Lake 
Ontario, built there a fort to which his own name was 
given, and opened an intercourse with the tribes who 
roamed over the boundless plains westward of the 
Alleghariies. Not content with this, he determined to 
explore the mighty stream which was said to pour its 
stupendous current in a direction opposite to that of 
all the streams then known in America, but toward 
some distant ocean that lay far in the south and west. 
In the existing darkness as to the boundaries of the 



66 ETHAN AJXEN AND GEEEN-MOIJNTAIN HEEOES. 

continent, it was concluded that this could only be the 
Mer Vermeio, or Gulf of California, by which it was 
hoped that the long-sought passage might be found to 
the golden regions of India. The strongest motives, 
therefore, impelled the count to strain every effort for 
ite discovery. There was no want of bold and fitting 
men ready to engage in the enterprise. M. Joliet, with 
but six white men and two Indians for guides, setting 
foivb in two bark canoes, undertook to cross this great 
contiQsnt. Proceeding to Lake Michigan, they passed 
by VAj of the Fox and Wisconsin rivers to the Missis- 
sippi. Floating down the current, they heard in a few 
days, 5rom tlie right, the roar of a great stream, and 
soon after saw another river, with even a more prodig- 
ious currcct than that of the Mississippi. Following 
these two strosms until they reached the mouth of the 
Arkansas, thoy became convinced that the Mississippi 
emptied itself ii^to the Gulf of Mexico, and not, as they 
had expected an-l hoped, into the Pacific. Fearing 
that, by following farther on, they might fall into the 
hands of the Spaniards who were exploring the gulf, 
they determined to re'urn to Canada. La Salle after- 
ward followed the same route, and as early as 1699, 
the French began settlomorts in lower Louisiana, and 
in 1717 founded JSTew Orleans. 

Being in possession of the inland seas of Canada, as 
they were called, and of the mcutks of the two largest 
rivers in North America, the French conceived tho 
magnificent idea of uniting their northern end south- 
ern possessions by a chain of forts along the b^^nks of 
the Ohio and Mississippi, and by that n:ean8 of »on- 
fining the English colonists to the eastern side o* the 



THE FRENCH FORTIFY LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 57 

Alleghanies. In pursuance of this plan, in the year 
1731, they ascended Lake Champlain with a consider- 
able force, intendino: to erect fortifications at the most 
commanding positions. No measure could have been 
better adapted to promote their own interest. It was 
through Lake Champlain that their troops had marched 
in their expeditions against Schenectady, the Mohawk's 
castles, and Deerfield. It was through this lake that 
their scouting parties found the most easy and safe 
passage in tlieir excursions against the English colonies. 
In all the attempts of the English to effect the conquest 
of Canada, the attacks upon Montreal it was always 
contemplated should be effected through the waters of 
Lake Champlain. To erect a fortress at the south end 
of this lake was to secure the whole navigation of it, 
and the command of a large portion of the English 
and Indian frontier. From this commanding situation, 
the French could not only defeat the attempts of the 
English to penetrate their own country, but would 
always have a magazine of arms and ammunition, to 
supply their own troops and scouting parties, and an 
asylum to which the Indians might readily retreat, 
from their plundering and scalping expeditions against 
the English frontiers. And by means of the river 
Sorel and the lake, the fort might always be reinforced 
in three or four days, or receive any supplies without 
difficulty or danger. 

The French garrison was at first placed on the east 
Bide of the lake, and the settlement began in what is 
now the town of Addison. On the western side, a 
more convenient situation was found, however, in 

which the harbor was good, and the fortress would bo 

3* 



58 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

encompassed by water on three of its sides. On this 
spot, now called Crown Point, the French erected a 
fort sufficiently strong to resist any force that could 
be suddenly or easily brought against it, and gave it 
the name of St. Frederick. The land on whicli it was 
erected properly belonged to the Six Nations ; but 
it was claimed by the government of New York, and 
had been granted by one of their governors, so early as 
1696, to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany. The 
designs of the French, and the dangerous consequences 
attending the erection of their new fort, were well un- 
derstood in the English colonies. The Massachusetts 
government was not a little alarmed. Mr. Belcher, 
the governor, gave the first information to the gov- 
ernment of New York, of the French proceedings. 
Still, through the passiveness of the council, the French 
were suffered to advance nearly two hundred miles 
toward Albany, and to erect a fortress which would 
enable them, in any future war, to make their assaults 
with safety and success upon the frontier settlements 
of New York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. 

The war which had so long distressed the frontiers 
of Massachusetts and New Hampshii*e, effectually pre- 
vented the progress of settlements to the north and 
west. From 1703 to 1713, the inhabitants being 
constantly harassed by calls for military service, agri- 
culture was suffered to languish, many people were 
killed or captured, a heavy public debt was incurred, 
and the population of the country was vastly below 
what it would have been, had an uninterrupted peace 
been maintained. According to Hutchinson, from 
1G75, the beginning of Philip's war, to 1713, five or 



POPULATION OF THE COUNTRY. 59 

Bix thousand of the youth of the country had been 
destroyed by the enemy, or diseases contracted by the 
war ; nine in ten of these would have been fathers of 
families^ and, in the course of forty years, must have 
multiplied to near one hundred thousand. The north- 
ern and western part of Kew York was a wilderness, 
little known to the English. 

Nor was the war less embarrassing to the progress 
of settlements and population in Canada. In 1714, the 
whole number of inhabitants, from fourteen to sixty 
years of age, able to bear arms, was four thousand 
four hundred and eighty -four. The standing forces at 
that time were twenty-eight companies of marines, 
paid by the king, containing six hundred and twenty 
eight men ; but the Indians were numerous, always 
ready to turn out on short notice, and as they were fre- 
quently led by daring French officers, their incursions 
were generally attended with distressing consequences. 

Relieved from the war, the inhabitants of New 
England now turned their attention to their internal 
affairs, and the improvement of. their plantations ; and 
the settlers who had been shut up in fortified houses, 
or driven from their plantations, now flattered them- 
selves that they should not again be molested by the 
Indians. But this was a vain hope, for a renewal of 
war between England and France must necessarily 
produce hostilities between their colonies, and all the 
horrors of savage war must be again sustained. A 
fleet sufficient to block up the St. Lawrence, and a 
small invading army by Lake Champlain under an 
able commander, would have put an end to the embar- 
rassments so long suffered by the English colonies. 



60 ETHAN ALLEN AND UREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

During the calm which followed the peace of Utrecht, 
the Ensrlish colonies increased their settlements north 
and west. 'New York, Massachusetts, and New Hamp- 
shire extended their grants of land into the present 
limits of the state of Vermont. Fort Dummer was 
erected by Massachusetts in 1724, on the west bank 
of the Connecticut river, near the place where the vil- 
lage of Brattleborough has since grown up, and was 
thus named in compliment to Mr.. Dummer, lieutenant- 
governor of Massachusetts. Other forts were built in 
its immediate vicinity on the east bank of the Con- 
necticut, and many families settled near them on both 
sides of the river. These pioneers were considerably" 
harassed by a war, which raged principally in New 
Hampshire, between the whites and Indians, and which 
was generally known as "Lovewell's war," from the 
name of a successful leader of the English. The In- 
dians were said to have been instigated by Sebastian 
Rolle, a Jesuit, who had long been settled among them, 
and possessed great influence with several tribes.* The 
war was begun in 1723, and concluded in 1725. 

* Rolle was slain in battle, while fighting against the English. He 
had been a very active agent in, if not the principal cause of the war, 
and his death was considered a very auspicious event, by the English. 
It must be acknowledged, however, that he was a loss to the literary 
world. Previous to his residence at Nonidggwock, he had spent six 
years in traveling among the various tribes in the interior of America, 
and he had learned most of their languages. He was nearly forty yeara 
a missionary, twenty-six of which he had spent at Norridgewock among 
the Indians ; and with their manners and customs he had become inti- 
mately acquainted. His letters on various subjects, evince that he was 
a man of superior natural powers, which had been improved by an edu- 
cation in a college of Jesuits in Europe. With the learned languages he 
vraa thoroughly acquainted, and by his assiduity, he had taught many 



LOUISBOUKG. f}l 

In 1744, Eii<?land again declared war against France 
and Spain, which again involved tlie colonics in hos- 
tilities with the enemies of the mother country and 
their Indian allies. The savages took up the hatchet 
with great alacrity, and the frontier posts suffered 
severely. Commerce, in general, and especially the 
fisheries, suffered great injury from privateers fitted 
out at Louisbourg, a French port on Cape Breton. 
Its situation gave it such importance, that nearly six 
milliono of dollars had been expended on its fortifi- 
cations. The place was deemed so strong as to de- 
serve the appellation of the Dunkirk of America. 
In peace, it was a safe retreat for the ships of France, 
bound homeward from the East and West Indies. 
In war, it gave the French the greatest advantages 
for ruining the fishery of the northern Engltsh colonies, 
and endangered the loss of ]^ova Scotia. The reduc- 
tion of this place was, for these reasons, an object 
of the highest importance to New England ; and Mr. 

of his converts to read and write, and to correspond with hira in their 
own language. With the principal clergymen of Boston, he held a cor- 
respondence in Latin. He possessed great skill in controversy, and 
made some attempts at Indian poetry. By a compliance with the In- 
dian mode of life, and a gentle, condescending deportment, he had 
gained the affections of the savages. But he used the offices of devotion 
as incentives to Indian ferocity, and even kept a flag, on which was de- 
picted a cross surrounded by bows and arrows, which he used to hoist 
on a pole at the door of his church when be gave the Indians absolution, 
previous to their engaging in any enterprise. A dictionary of the 
Norridgewock language, composed by him, was found amons? his papers, 
which 18 now deposited in the library of Harvard college. It is a quarto 
volume of five hundred pages. RoUe was in tlie sixty-seventh year of 
his age when he was killed. His natural son, by an Indian woman who 
)a^<J served him as a laundress, was also slain during the war. 



62 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

Yaughan of 'New Hampshire, who had often visited 
that place as a trader, conceived the project of an 
expedition against it. He communicated it to Gov- 
ernor Shirley, and being ardent and enthusiastic, con- 
vinced him that the enterprise was practicable, and 
inspired him with his own enthusiasm. Early in Jan- 
uary, 1745, before he received any answer to tho 
communications he had sent to England on the sub- 
ject, he requested of the members of the general 
court, that they would lay themselves under an oath 
of profound secrecy in regard to a proposal of very 
great importance. They readily took the oath, and 
he communicated to them the plan which he had 
formed of attacking Louisbourg. The proposal was 
at first rejected, but it was finally carried by a ma- 
jority of one. Letters were immediately dispatcher 
to all the colonies, as far as Pennsylvania, request 
ing their assistance, and an embargo on their ports 
Forces were promptly raised, and William Pepperreli 
was appointed commander of the expedition. This 
oflicer, with several transports, sailed from I^antucket 
on the 24th of March, and arrived at Canso on the 
4th of April. Here the troops, joined by those of 
New Hampshire and Connecticut, amounting collec- 
tively to upward of four thousand, were detained 
three weeks, waiting for the ice, which environed the 
island of Cape Breton, to be dissolved. At length 
Commodore Warren, agreeably to orders from England, 
arrived at Canso in the Snperbe, of sixty guns, with 
three other ships of forty guns each ; and, after a 
consultation with the general, proceeded to cruise 
before Louisbourg. The general soon after sailed with 



SIEGE OF LOUrsBOURG. 63 

the whole fleet ; and on the 30th of April, coming 
to anchor at Ghapeaiironge Bay, landed his troops. 
Lieutenant-colonel Vaughan conducted the first col- 
umn through the woods within sight of Louis bourg, 
and saluted the city with three cheers. At the head 
of a detachment, chiefly of the New-Hampshire troops, 
he marche<3|pi tfee night to the north-east part of the 
harbor, where' they burned the warehouses containing 
the naval stores, and staved a large quantity of wine 
and brandy. The smoke of this fire, driven by the 
wind into the grand battery, so terrified the French 
that, spiking? the guns, they abandoned it and re- 
tired to the city. The next morning, Yanghan took 
possessicfn^ of the deserted battery; but the most 
diflicult' labors of the siege remained to be performed. 
TheC cannon were to be drawn nearly two miles over 
a deep morass, within gun-shot of the enemy's prin- 
cipal fortifications ; and for fourteen nights the troops, 
with straps over their shoulders, sinking to their 
knees in mud, were employed in this arduous ser- 
vice. The approaches were then begun in the mode 
which seemed most proper to the shrewd understand- 
ings of untaught militia. Those ofiicers who were 
skilled in the art of war, talked of zig-zags and 
epaulements ; but the troops made themselves merry 
with the terms, and proceeded in their own way. 
By the 20th of May, they had erected five batteries, 
one of which mounted five forty-two-pounders, and 
did great execution. Meanwhile, the fleet cruising 
in the harbor had been equally successful ; it cap- 
tured a French ship of sixty -four guns, loaded with 
stores for the garrison, to whom the loss was as 



64: ETHAN AifJEN AND GRMM«)irNTAIN HEEOES. 



distressing as to the, besiegers the capture was for- 
tunate. English ships of war wei*e, besides, con- 
tinually arriving, and added such strength to the 
fleet, that a combined attack, upon the town was 
resolved upon. Jm^%> 

Discoui-aged by these adverse events and menacing 
appearances, Duchambon, the French commander, 
determined to surrender ; and, on the IGth of June, 
1745, articles of capitulation were signed. After the 
surrender of the city, the French flag was kept flying 
on the ramparts, and several rich prizes were thus 
decoyed. Two East-Indiamen, and one South Sea 
ship, valued at six hundred thousand pounds, were 
taken by the squadron at the mouth of the harbor. 
This expedition was one of the most remarkable 
events in the history, of North America. It was not 
less hazardous in the attempt, than successful in the 
execution. It displayed the enterprising spirit of 
New England ; and though it enabled Britain to 
purchase a peace, yet it excited her envy and jeal- 
ousy against the colonies, by whose exertions it was 
acquired. The intelligence of this event spread rap- 
idly through the colonies, and difi*used universal joy. 
"Well might the citizens of New England feel some- 
what elated. Without even a suggestion from the 
mother country, they had projected, and with but 
comparatively little assistance achieved, an enterprise 
of vast importance to her and to them. Their com- 
merce and fisheries were now secure, and their 
time cities relieved from all fear of attack fr 
quarter recently so great a source of dread^ 
discomfort. 



n 



FEENCH FLEET DISPERSED. 65 

• Fired with resenttnent at their loss, the French made 
extraordinary exertions to retrieve it, and 4.0 inliict 
chastisement on New England. The next summer 
they dispatched to the American coast a powerful 
fleet, carrying a large number of soldiers. The news 
of its approach spread terror throughout New England 
but an uncommon succession of disasters deprived it 
of all power to inflict injury. After remaining a 
short time on the coast, it returned *to France, hav- 
ing lost two admirals, both of whom, it was supposed, 
put an end to their lives through chagrin ; having 
also, by tempests, been reduced to one-half of its 
former force, without efie(4tin'g any of the objects 
anticipated. 

In former wars, several routes had been traversed 
by the enemy in approaching the frontiers of the New- 
England colonies from Canada. One by the river St. 
Francis through Lake Memphremagog,* thence over 
portages to the Pasumsic river, which empties into the 
Connecticut at Barnet. Another was throuofh Lake 
Champlain by the present town of AYhitehall, thence 
up AVood or Pawit creek, and over the Green Moun- 
tains to the Connecticut. Otter creek, the Winooski, 
Lamoille and White rivers, emptying into Lake Cham- 
plain, were also frequented routes in passing over the 
Green Mountains to the corresponding rivers on its 
eastern slope emptying into the Connecticut. All 
portions of that territory were therefore familiifr^to the 

,* This lalce is thirty miles long, and two or three in width. It lies 
^S«4y inXai^a, but the south end extends into Vermont The Indian 
words fibcirTB^ich its name is derived are Mem-plow-bouque, signifying 
a lar<;e expanfje of water. — Sei> Thompson's Gazcttf^r. 



66 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

French, and as'Hhe scouting parties of the' English 
were al^ penetrating northward to intercept the en- 
emy, Vermont, w'hich had been the highway of war 
parties, became the scene of many fierce and bloody 
afirays. The French fortress of St. Frederick, (called 
afterward, by the English, Crown Point,) afforded great 
facilities for sudden and successful attacks upon the 
English settlements. The history of a war on the fron- 
tiers is little else than the recital of the exploits, the 
sufferings, and the deliverance of individuals, of sin- 
o^le families, or, at most, of small parties. The first 
incursion of the Indians was at the "great meadow," 
(now Putney, Vt.,) a few miles above Fort Dummer. 
They killed a few individualsL-at various times, and 
carried others into captivity. One i»ase of heroism is 
mentioned with pride. Two Indians captured Wil- 
liam Phipps in his field. After they had conducted 
him some distance, the Indians being some distance 
apart, Phipps knocked down the nearest Indian with 
his hoe, and, seizing his gun, shot the other. But, on 
returning to the fort, he fell into the hands of three 
other Indians, who killed him. 

In August, 1746, a party of nine hundred French 
and Indians attacked Fort Massachusetts, near the 
south-west corner of Vermont. The garrison consisted 
of only twenty-two men, under the command of Ser- 
geant Hawks. Notwithstanding the inferiority of 
his force, this brave officer, knowing the character of 
the French commander, resolved to defend the place 
to the last extremity. Fur twenty-eight hours, with 
small-arms onlj', and a scanty supply of^ ammunititm, 
he resisted the efforts of the enemy, and kept them at 



HEROISM OF SERGEANT HAWKS. * 67 

a respectful distance. Habituated to sharp-shooting, 
the garrison singled out the assailants wherever they 
exposed themselves, and brought tllem down at long 
shot. Instances occurred in which the enemy were 
thus killed, at the extraordinary distance of sixty 
rods ; and they often fell when they supposed them- 
selves in perfect security. Having at length expended 
most of his ammunition, the brave commander reluc- 
tantly consented to submit, and a capitulation was 
agreed upon, by w^hich the garrison were to remain 
prisoners of war until exchanged or redeemed, to be 
humanely treated, and to be shielded from the cruelty 
of the Indians. Vaudreuil, in violation of the articles 
of capitulation, delivered one half of the captives into 
the hands of the irritated Indians. Hawks* lost but 
one man during the siege, but the enemy, according to 
information afterward obtained, had forty-seven killed 
or badlv wounded. 

■ In the mean time, Shirley, having effected the con- 
quest of Louisbourg, which must ever remain one of 
the hardiest enterprises recorded in military annals, 
determined on the conquest of Canada. His plan, 
like all previous ones for the accomplishment of that 
purpose, contemplated a simultaneous attack on Queliec 
by a fleet, and an expedition by the way of Lake 
Champlain against Crown Point and Montreal. Like 
the others, ill-success attended this enterprise. 

* Sergeant Hawks rose to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army, 
in the war of 1755, and was at the attack on Ticonderoa;a in 175R, and 
with the army in the conquest of Canada. Bold, hardy, and enterprising-, 
he acquired the confidence and esteem of his superior officers, and waa 
intrusted with important commands. He was no less valued by the in- 
habitants of Deerfitjld, liis native town, for his civil qualitiea 



68 • ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES 

^Early in the year 1747, the fort at Number Va.v 
(now Charlestbwn,) near Fort Dummer, was attacked 
by a party of three hundred French and Indian?, 
under the command of a Frenchman named Debeline. 
It was defended by Captain Phinehas Stevens, and 
thirty men. The fort being constructed of combustible 
materials, the enemy believed it possible to set it on 
fire, and thereby compel the garrison to surrender 
without further opposition. To effect this, the neigh- 
borino^ fences, and a loo^ hut about forty rods to wind- 
ward, were soon set on fire, and as the wind was 
strong, the flames approached, and covered the fort 
with a dense body of smoke, through which was heard 
the terrifying yell of the savages, and a constant roar 
of musketry. Undaunted, the brave little garrison 
resolved to defend their post to the last extremity, 
and a novel scheme was adopted to extinguish the 
approaching flames, which now began to threaten its 
destruction. By great exertions, no less than eleven 
trencher, or subterranean galleries, were carried under 
the walls, of such a depth that men standing in them 
to extinguish the fire on the exterior walls, were 
completely protected from the shot of the enemy. 
Buckets of water, from a well within, were handed 
to the men, who kept the parapet constantly moist- 
ened. Several hundred barrels were thus expended, 
and the fort rendered perfectly secure from the ap- 
proaching flames. In the mean time, a brisk fire 
was continued upon the enemy, when they could be 
distinojuished throui^h the smoke. Thus baffled in 
his plan, Debeline resolved to carry the place by 
other means ; a sort of carriage was prepared, loaded 



DEFENSE OF NUMBER FOUR. 



61) 



with burning fagots, and forced toward the fort; 
flamino- arrows were also tried, but his eftorts to lire 
the pUice proved abortive. On the second day, De- 
beline proposed a cessation of hostilities until sunrise 
the next morning, to which Stevens assented ; and 
in the morning, before the time had expired, Debeline 
approached with fifty men, under a flag, which he 
planted within twenty rods of the fort. A parley 
was then agreed on, and Stevens admitted a lieutenant 
and two men into the fort as hostages, and the same 
number were sent out to Debeline, who demanded 
that the garrison should lay down their arms, pack 
up their provisions in blankets, surrender the fort, 
and be conducted prisoners to Montreal; and Ste- 
vens was requested to naeet him without the fort, 
and give an answer. Stevens accordingly met the 
French commander, but before he had time to retiyn 
his answer, Debeline threatened that if the terms 
were rejected, the fort should be stormed, and in case 
any of his men should bd killed, the garrison should 
be put to the sword. Stevens coolly replied, that 
as he had been intrusted by his government with the 
command of the fort, lie should hearken to no terms, 
until he was satisfied that he could no longer defend 
it. Stevens returned to the fort and found his men 
unanimously determined to defend the place or die 
In the attempt. This resolution w^as communicated 
to the French commander about noon ; the hostages 
were exchanged, and the firing was renef-ed with a 
shout from the Indians, and it contil^ued until day- 
light the next morning, when Stevens was familiarly 
saluted with a ''good morning" from the enemy, and 



• 



• 



70 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

a proposition was made for a cessation of arms for 
two hours. Soon after, two Indians approached with 
a flag, and promised that if Stevens would sell them 
provisions, they would leave the place without further 
effi^rt^. In reply, they were told that five bushels of 
corn would be given for each captive in Canada, for 
whom they should give hostages, to remain until the 
captives should be delivered. In the attack which 
continued three days, thousands of balls were poured 
upon the fort, yet not a man of the garrison was 
killed, and only two wounded. Debeline, convinced 
that he could not operate upon the fears of his enemy, 
or gain possession of the place without an assault, 
continued a distant fire a short time ; then reluctantly 
withdrew from the fort. When the intelligence of 
this brave defense was received at Boston, Commo- 
dore Sir Charles Knowles, who happened to be at 
that station, was so highly gratified at the conduct 
of Stevens, that he sent him an elegant sword ; and 
Number Four, when incorporated into a town in 
1753, was called after the commodore^s name, Charles- 
town. It should have been named after its heroic 
defender. 

Although bafiled in their attempt on ISTumber Four,* 
Pebeline's forces remained on the frontiers, divided 
into small parties, and were engaged in several severe 
skirmishes with the hard}^ English pioneers. Fort 
Dummer, Bridgman's fort, and others, were the scenes 
of some of *these afirays. Others occurred with bands 

* This was one of the four townships granted on the east side of tlie 
df»nnecticut by Massachusetts, and then distinguished by no other name 
ihan their number. 



BATTLE KTEAR FORT DUMMEK. 71 

of colonial rangers, who made frequent excursions over 
the Green Mountains, and sometimes to the vicinity 
of Crown Point. One of these bands of rangers, con- 
sisting of forty men, under the command of Captain 
Ilobbs, met the enemy twelve miles west of .Fort 
Dummer. The latter, one hundred and fifty in num- 
ber, were commanded by a half-breed named Sackett. 
Confident of victory from their immense superiority 
in number, the enemy rushed up impetuously, but 
were checked by the well-directed fire of Hobbs. The 
two commanders had been known to each other in time 
of peace, and were celebrated for their intrepidity. 
Sackett, who could speak English, in a stentorian voice 
frequently called upon Hobbs to surrender, and threat- 
ened, in case of refusal, to rush in and sacrifice his 
men with the tomahawk. Hobbs, in tones which shook 
the forest, as often returned a defiance, and urged 
his enemy to put his threat in execution. The action 
continued with undaunted resolution, and, not unfre- 
quently, the enemy approached Hobbs' line, but were 
driven back to their first position, by the fatal fire 
of his sharp-sighted marksmen ; and thus four hours 
elapsed without either side giving up an inch of their 
original ground. At. length, finding Hobbs determined 
on death or victory, and that his own men had suffered 
severely, Sackett ordered a retreat, carrying oft' his 
dead and wounded, and leaving his antagonist to con- 
tinue his march without further molestation. 

In November, 1747, a descent was made upon Sara- 
toga, where about thirty families were collected. A 
party of French and Indians concealed themselves near 
the fort at night. In the morning, a few of the Indians 



72 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

approached the fort, and were fired upon by the garri- 
son as soon as they were discovered. The Indians, 
pretending to be wounded, fell ; then rose up, and, run 
ning a short distance, fell again. The English rushed 
out to take them prisoners, when the French, who had 
been concealed, surrounded and quickly disarmed them 
Several were massacred and others were carried into 
ca2:>tivity.* 

The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, again gave 
peace to the colonies. Prisoners were to be released 
on both sides without ransom, and all conquests 
mutually restored. This war had been extremely 

* This expedition was led by the Abbe Picqnet, a distinguished 
jcvsuit missionary. He was born in 1708. He became very celebrated 
in France, at an early age, and seemed rapidly winning his way to the 
highest distinction in the church ; but the activity of his zeal induced hira 
to become a missionary among the Indians. He came to America in 1733, 
and remained thirty years. He established a mission at La Presentation, 
(nrtw Ogdensburg,) where he also erected a fort. Mills, workshops and 
trading-houses were completed in rapid succession. Beginning with only 
six families in 1749, there were ninety the year following, and four hun- 
dred in 1751. His industry and energy were remarkable. He labored 
from three o'clock in the morning until nine ai night. His disinterest- 
edness was extreme. He supported himself by his own exertions, having 
a daily alhnvance of only two pounds of bread and a half-pound-of pork 
from the government ; which caused the savages to say, on an occasion 
when they gave him a deer and some partiidijes, "We doubt not, Father, 
but that there have be^n disagreeable expostulations in your stomach, 
because you have had nothing but pork to eat Here's somcthins: to 
put yonr affairs in order." Picquet had the address to attach the Six Na- 
tions to the French interests. Three thousand of these Indians were in 
hK colony. He afterward distinguished him8elf in the war which re- 
Bult'cd in the conq-iest of Canada. When, in 1760. he saw that all was 
lost, he went to New Orleans by the way of the lakes and the Missis- 
pippi, and about two years afterward he returned to France, and died ia 
1781. 



FKB:NCU jb.'NCROACHMENTS. * 7o 

disiistrous to the colonies. Many livee were lost, the 
increase of population was checked, great losses were 
sustained in the commercial interests of the country, 
and a burdensome debt of several millions had been 
incurred. "With the return of peace, however, com- 
merce revived, the settlements began to extend, and 
public credit was restored. 

But only a brief interval of repose was allowed to 
the colonies. In 1756, eight years from the peace of 
Aix-la-Chapelle, Great Britain again declared war 
against France, on the ground of the encroachments 
of the French upon the English territories in America. 
Some years previous to this war, the French had com- 
menced a chain of posts, designed to extend from the 
head of the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, with a 
view to maintain a communication between their 
northern possessions and Louisiana. In 1750, the 
English government granted a large tract of land on 
the Ohio river to an association called the Ohio com- 
pany, formed for the purpose of settling the country, 
and carrying on a trade in furs with the Indians. The 
French governor of Canada, apprehending both the 
loss of the fur trade and the interruption of his com- 
munications with Louisiana, claimed the whole country 
between the Ohio and the Alleghanies, and prohibited 
the further encroachments of the English. He also 
opened a new communication between Lake Erie and 
the Ohio, and stationed troops at posts along the line. 
The Ohio company, thus threatened in their trade, 
persuaded Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia, in 1753, 
to send a remonstrance to the French commandant. 

Geoege Washington was the bearer. The commandant 

4 



74 . ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN nEEOKS. 

returned for answer that he had taken possession of 
the country by order of the governor-general of Can- 
ada, whose orders alone he could regard. The British 
government, on learning the claim set up by tho 
French, directed the Virginians to resist it by force 
In 1754, an expedition was conducted against tho 
French by Washington ; but the superior force of the 
enemy obliged him to capitulate, with the privilege of 
returning with his troops to Virginia. This was prop- 
erly the commencement of whit is commonly styled 
the French war,, although the formal declaration was 
not made till 1756. In the mean time, the British 
government recommended the colonies to unite for 
their common defense. A convention of delegates 
from all the northern colonies accordingly met at Al- 
bany in 1754, and adopted a plan of union ; but it 
was rejected both by the provincial assemblies and by 
the home government: by the former because it gave 
too much power to the crown, and by the latter because 
it gave too little. The substance of the plan was the 
formation of a grand council, consioJ^ing of delegates 
from the several colonies, subject to the control of a 
president-general to be appointed by the crown, whose 
assent should be essential to the adoption of any meas- 
ure of policy. This council, it was proposed, should 
have power to enact general laws, apportion the quotas 
of men and money to be raised by each colony, deter- 
mine the building of forts, regulate the operations of 
armies, and concert all measures for their common 
protection and safety. It is worthy of remark that this 
plan of union was perfected on the fourth of July the 
day which afterward became so memorable in our 



EXPEDITION AGAINST CROWN POINl. 75 

history. In the spring of 1755, vigorous preparations 
were made for carrying on the war. An expedition 
under General Braddock, directed against the French 
on the Ohio, was unfortunate. 0\^ing to the arrogance 
and rashness of the commander, the British troops 
were surprised and defeated, with great loss, by a very 
inferior force of French and Indians. General Brad- 
dock was mortally wounded, and the conduct of the 
retreat devolved on Washington, who was in command 
of the colonial militia, and by whom the army was 
saved from total destruction. 

In conn-ection with Braddock's expedition against 
Fort Du Quesne, two others were concerted : one 
against Fort Niagara and Frontignac, to be com- 
manded by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, and 
one against Crown Point, to be commanded by Gen- 
eral William Johnson. The former of these met with 
BO many delays, that when it arrived at Oswego, the 
season was so far advanced, that prudence forbade 
the further prosecution of the enterprise. 

The forces destined to attack Crown Point, with 
the requisite military stores, could not be collected 
at Albany until the last of August, 1755. Thence 
the army under command of General Johnson, pro- 
ceeded to the south end of Lake George,* designing 
to proceed to the outlet of the lake at Ticonderoga, 
and there erect a fort to aid in the operations against 
Crown Point. There he learned that an armament, 
fitted out in France, had eluded an English squadron 

• Until this time the lake had been called St. Sacramei t, but Johnson 
give it the nanie of Lake George. Recently, eflforts have been made 
to restore to this beautiful lake the original Indian name of Uoricon. 



76 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

sent to intercept it, and had arrived at Quebec; and 
that Baron Dieskau, commander of the French forces, 
was rapidly advancing to the defense of Crown Point. 
Fin ling that no imniediate attack would be made by 
the English, and being informed that Johnson's camp 
was not strongly fortilied, Dieskau resolved on march- 
ing toward tiie English lines. An express that had 
been sent out by Johnson, returned about midnight, 
bringing word that the enemy was within four miles 
of Fort Edward, apparently intending to attack that 
post. It was probably only a detached party of In- 
dians that had been seen by the express. This mis- 
information caused a severe disaster. A council of 
officers was assembled, who advised that a force 
should be sent to intercept the enemy, whether de- 
feated or victorious, when on his way back from Fort 
Edward. Colonel Ephraim Williams, with a thousand 
troops, and Hendrick, a celebrated Indian chief, with 
two hundred Indians, were accordingly detached for 
this purpose, on the morning of September 8th. They 
had proceeded but four miles, when they encountered 
the enemy. Dieskau, informed by his runners of 
their approach, had halted and prepared for their 
reception, forming his forces in a semicircle, the ends 
of which were far in advance of the center, and con- 
cealed from view by the forest. Into this ambuscade 
the detachment marched, wholly unsuspicious that 
any enemy was within several miles. Suddenly the 
war-whoop resounded in every direction, and a gall- 
ing fire was Opened all along the front and left side 
of the column. Williams, to obtain a more defensible 
position, ordered his men to ascend the rising ground 



VICrOKY OF GEMERAL JOHNSON. 77 

on their right. But this only brought them upon tho 
other wing of the French line. Both Williams and 
Ilendrick, with numbers of their followers, fell, and 
a confused retreat ensued. A large portion of these 
troops were from western Massachusetts, and there 
were few families in that district who did not mourn 
the loss of relatives or friends who were cut off in 
" the bloody morning scout at Lake George," as this 
encounter was familiarly designated."^ 

As the firing came nearer, it was manifest that 
Williams was defeated ; and three hundred men un- 
der Colonel Cole, were sent out to cover the retreat. 
The discomfited soldiers soon began to arrive in large 
bodies, and at length, Dieskau's troops made their 
appearance. The order and regularity with which 
the grenadiers advanced in platoons, with their bur- 
nished muskets glittering in the sun, we can readily 
imagine caused no small trepidation among the raw 
troops of which Johnson's force was composed. Portu 
nately, a considerable pause was made by the French 
before commencing the attack, enabling the men 
measurably to recover from their panic, and w^heu 
once engaged, they fought with the calmness and 
resolution of veterans. The camp was assailed by 
the grenadiers in front, and by the Canadians and 
Indians upon both flanks. But a few discharges of 
artillery against these last, caused them to fall back 
and secrete themselves behind locrs and trees, frc»m 
whence they afterward maintained only an irregular 
and nearly harmless fire. General Johnson being 
wounded, was compelled to retire to his tent, and 

• Fitch's History of Washington Couuty 



78 ETUAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

the command subsequently devolved upon General 
Lyman, who several times stationed himself in front 
of the breastwork, the better to inspirit the men and 
direct their movements. For nearly four hours the 
battle lasted ; and the assailed still standing firm at 
every point, Dieskau was constrained to order a re- 
treat. This order appears to have been obeyed with 
more alacrity than any that had. been given for some 
time previous. So hastily did the men withdraw, 
that their leader, having been wounded in his foot, 
was unable to keep pace with them. Reclining 
against a stump to obtain temporary relief from his 
pain and fatigue, he was discovered by a provincial 
soldier. Dieskau, to propitiate the soldier, was about 
drawing out his watch to present to him ; whereupon 
the soldier, deeming he was searching for a pistol, 
discharged his musket at the baron, giving him a 
grievous wound in the hip, of which he died twelve 
years afterward. The French retreated to the ground 
where the forenoon engagement had occurred, and 
there paused for the night, searching out the bodies 
of the slain, and rifling them of whatever they found 
of value upon them.* 

This victory revived the spirits of the colonists, 
depressed by the recent defeat of General Braddock; 
but the success was not improved by General John- 
son. With an apathy quite unaccountable, he failed 
to follow up his victory, and drive the French from 
Lake Champlain, as he might easily have done. The 
remainder of the campaign was employed in the 
erection of Fort William Henry, at the head of Liiko 

• Fitch's History of Washington County 



REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1755. 79 

ueorge. In the fall his army was discharged, with 
the exception of six hundred men who occupied the 
forts on the frontier. The French retained possession 
of Ticonderoga,* and fortilied it. Thus ended the 
campaign of 1755. It opened with the brightest pros- 
pects: immense preparations had been made, yet 
not one of the objects of the three principal expe- 
ditions had been attained ; and, by this failure, the 
whole frontier was exposed to the ravages of the 
Indians, which were accompanied by their usual acts 
of barbarity. The expedition under Braddock had 
been conducted with extreme imprudence and rash- 
ness, and had terminated in defeat and disgrace. 
The movement against Niagara, under Shirley, had 
been too extensive in its plan to be concluded in one 
campaign ; and at the northward. Baron Dieskau had 
given Johnson an opportunity to gain a victory 
without leaving his camp or exposing himself to 
danger. 

The army under General Johnson, on the frontiers 
of New York, although it checked incursions to the 
north-west quarter of Massachusetts, afforded but lit- 
tle security to the frontiers on Connecticut river. 
The St. Francis tribe of Indians, commanding an 
easy route through Lake Memphremagog and several 
neighboring streams, made frequent inroads, and killed 
many persons. But the most disastrous affair that 
occurred on Connecticut river, was at Bridgman's 

• The original Indian name was Cheonderoga, signifying noisy, in 
reference to the rush of waters at the outlet of Lake George. It wai 
at Hrst called by the French Carillon, a word having the same signifi- 
e7*«on as the Indian name. 



80 ETHAN ALLEN AND GliEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

Fort. A fortified house had been destroyed at the 
same place in 1747, and anotlier was built soon after, 
and is still standing in Vernon, Yt. The Indians 
found the men belonging to this fort at work in a field, 
and shot them. Throe women, with eleven children, 
were taken prisoners and carried to Crown Point. 

Another band of Indians, the year previous, had 
captured several persons at Number Four, and had 
taken them to Canada. Among these prisoners was a 
Mrs. Johnson, who, on the second day's journey, gave 
birth to a daughter, and named her Captive.* In 
this critical situation, she had little hope of escaping 
the hatchet; but, contrary to their usual conduct, the 
Indians treated her and her infant with tenderness, 
carrying them part of their route on a litter, and 
they took much pains in nursing the infant. After 
a painful captivity, this little band of sufierers was 
ransomed, and returned again to their friends. 

The colonies, considerably encouraged by the results 
of the campaign of 1755, determined to renew and 
increase their exertions. General Shirley, to whom 
the superintendence of all the military operations 

* Captive Johnson was uiarried to Colonel George Kimball, and was 

still living a few years ago. At Vernon, near where she was born, a 

monunient has been erected, on which is the following inscription : " This 

is near the spot that the Indians encamped the night after they took 

Mr. Johnson and family, Mr. Labaree and Mr. Farnsworth, August 30t.h, 

1754, and Mrs. Johnson was delivered of her child half a mile up this 

brook. 

"When trouble is near the Lord is kind, 

He hears the Captive's cry ; 

He can subdue the savage mind, 

And learn it sympathy." 

[^ee Tliompson*)i Gairteer. 



OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1756. 81 

had been confided, assembled a council of war at 
New York, to concert a plan for the ensuing year. 
He proposed that expeditions should be carried on 
against Du Quesne, Niagara, and Crown Point, and 
that a body of troops should be sent, by the way 
of the riv^ers Kennebec and Chaudiere, to alarm the 
French for the safety of Quebec. This plan was 
unanimously adopted by the council. Shirley, on the 
last of January, returned to Boston to meet the as- 
sembly of Massachusetts, of which colony he was 
governor. He endeavored to persuade them to con- 
cur in the measures proposed ; but, disgusted with 
the proceedings of the last campaign, and especially 
at General Johnson for neglecting to pursue his ad- 
vantages, they were unwilling to engage in offensive 
operations, unless the command of their forces should 
be given to General Winslow, who had acquired 
popularity by his success in Nova Scotia. Their 
wishes were complied with, and their concurrence 
was then granted. In April, news arrived from 
Great Britain, that the conduct of General Johnson, 
instead of being censured, was considered highly 
meritorious ; that, as a reward for his success, the 
king had conferred upon him the title of baronet, 
and parliament a grant of five thousand pounds 
sterling; that his majesty disapproved of the conduct 
of Shirley, and had determined to remove hira from 
command. This information not being ofticial. Gen- 
eral Shirley continued his preparations with his imual 
activity and zeal. While engaged in collecting at 
Albany, the troops from the difierent colonies, General 
"Webb brought from England, ofticial information of 



82 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

his removal. On the 25th of June, General Aber- 
cronibie arrived and took command of the army. 
It now consisted of about twelve thousand men, and 
was more numerous, and better prepared for the field, 
than any army that had ever been assembled in 
America. 

The change of commanders delayed the operations 
of the English army. The French were active ; and 
on the 12th of July, General Abercrombie received 
intelligence that they meditated an attack upon 
Oswego, a post of the utmost importance. General 
Webb was ordered to prepare to march with a regi- 
ment for the defense of that place. In the mean 
time. Lord Loudon, who had been appointed com- 
mander-in-chief over all the British forces in the 
colonies, arrived in America. Amidst the ceremo- 
nies which followed, the affairs of the war were for- 
gotten. General Webb did not begin his march until 
the 12th of August. Before he had proceeded far, 
he learned that Oswego was actually besieged by a 
large army of French and Indians. Alarmed for his 
own safety, he proceeded no further, but employed 
his troops in erecting fortifications for their defense. 
General Montcalm, the commander of the French 
troops in Canada, began the siege of Oswego on the 
12th of August. On the 14th, the English commander 
having been killed, terms of surrender were proposed 
by the garrison, and w^ere agreed to. These terms 
were shamefully violated. Several of the British offi- 
cei*8 and soldiers were insulted, robbed, and massa- 
cred by the Indians. Most of the sick were scalped 
ia the hospitals, and the French general delivered 



CLOSE OF THE aV^IPAIGN OF 1756. 83 

twenty of the garrison to the savages, that being the 
number they had lost during the siege. Those un- 
happy persons were, doubtless, according to the Indian 
custom, tortured and burnt. In this expedition the 
French took fourteen hundred prisoners, and an im- 
mense quantity of provisions and munitions of war. 
General Webb was permitted to retreat, unmolested, to 
Albany. Lord Loudon pretended it was now too late 
in the season to attempt any thing further, though 
the troops under General Winslow were within a few 
days' march of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and 
were sufficient in number to justify an attack upon 
those places. He devoted the remainder of the season 
to making preparations for an early and vigoro 
campaign the ensuing year.. This spring had opened 
with still more brilliant prospects than the last ; and 
the season closed without the occurrence of a single 
event that w^as honorable to the British arms, or 
advantageous to the colonies. This want of success 
was justly attributed to the removal of the provincial 
officers, who were well acquainted with the theater 
of operations, but whom the ministry, desirous of 
checking the growth of talents in the colonies, were 
unwilling to employ. Yet the several assemblies, 
though they saw themselves thus slighted, and their 
money annually squandered, made all the prepara- 
tions that were required of them for the next campaign. 
In the campaign of 1756, two persons, who were 
destined to win imperishable honor in the war of the 
Revolution, received their first military discipline. 
These were Israel Putnam and John Stark. Thero 
were no great engagements during the year in which 



84: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROKS. 

they could distinguish themselves ; but in the arduous 
duties oi sco^cts or rangers, they were eminently useful, 
and were soon found to be foremost among the skillful, 
active and daring. In January, 1757, Major Rogers, 
in whose company of rangers Stark* was a lieutenant, 
was ordered on'a reconnoitering expedition down Lake 
.George toward Ticonderoga. Traveling now on the 

* Stark was born in New Hampshire, August 28th, 1728. His early 
life was one of great hardship. In 1752, he was taken prisoner by the 
Indiana "While on a hunting excursion with three other persons, far to 
the north of the English settlements on the Connecticut, and while sep- 
arated from his companions, he was seized by a party of ten Indians. 
On being questioned about his companions, he pointed in a direction 
opposite to that which they had taken, and thus succeeded in leading the 
Indians two miles out of the way. His companions, unfortunately, be- 
coming alarmed at his absence, and ignorant of its cause, fired several 
guns as a signal to him. This betrayed them to the savages. But John 
had the courage, as the Indians were coming up to them, to hail them 
and urge them to escape. While they were retreating, four Indians fired 
upon them, but, at the moment of the discharge, John stnick the guns 
of two, and his brother William was by this means enabled to escape. 
John was severely beaten for this. When the Indians returned to St 
Francis, the captives were compelled to "run the gauntlet." One of 
them was severely beaten ; but Stai-k snatched a hatchet from the nearest 
Indian, and attacked with great fury all who attempted to strike him. 
This pleased the old men of the tribe, and won Stark much favor. He 
appears to have caught the humor of the Indians, and to have known 
how to approach them on the side of their prejudices. On one occasion, 
he was ordered by them to hoe their corn. Well aware that they regarded 
labor of this kind as fit only for squaws and slaves, he took care to cut 
up tlie corn and spare the weeds, in order to give them a suitable idea 
(A his want of skill in unmanly labor. As this experiment upon their 
good nature did not s^nswer its desired object, he threw his hoe into tho 
river, declaring " it was the business not of warriors, but of squaws to 
hoe com." This spirited deportment gained him the title of "young 
chief," and the honor of adoption into tho tribe.— See EveretCs L\fe </ 
Staik. 



STARK IN BA'ITLE. S5 

ice and now oil snow-shoes, they, on the third day, 
crossed to Lake Champlain, and seeing some sleds 
approach, hastened toward and captured some of 
them. From the prisoners they learned there was a 
large force at Ticonderoga. Knowing that those who 
escaped would convey intelligence which would speed- 
ily bring out an overwhelming company in pursuit of 
him, Kogers directed an immediate return to Fort 
William Henry. On their way back, tramping over 
the snow in single file, as the foremost men gained the 
summit of a hill, they unexpectedly found themselves 
close upon two hundred of the enemy, who were drawn 
up in a semicircle to receive them. The rangers re- 
coiled before the tire that blazed in their very faces, 
and crimsoning the snow with their blood, they reached 
the rear under Stark, who was fifteen rods distant on 
the summit of another hill. They here formed their 
line, and firmly stood, in snow four feet in depth, and 
rej^elled every attack of the enemy from two o'clock 
until nightfall. Rogers, wounded upon the head, and 
by a bullet through his wrist, was so disabled tiiat the 
entire command devolved on Stark. At sunset, some 
of the men suggested that they ought to make their 
escape before the piercing cold of the winter's niglit 
closed upon them ; but Stark, standing himself where 
the shot fell thickest, and knowing that their safety 
depended on maintaining their ground till after dark, 
threat'med to shoot the first man who should attempt 
to fly. Evening came, and the French now abandoned 
the combat, and withdrew, leaving half their numbei 
scattered upon the trampled and blood-stained snow 
of the hill-side, sleeping that sle^p that know? no 



86 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

waking. Forty-eight of the rangers remained im- 
wounded, and the company now dragged themselves 
through the woods and snow the livelong night, 
reaching the shore of Lake George in the morning. 
All were now quite exhausted with their fatigues, and 
the wounded were wholly nnable to advance further 
on foot. Stark hereupon generously offered to travel 
with two others to Fort William Henry, at the opposite 
end of the lake, and obtain sleds for convevincr the 
wounded. He accordingly departed, and reached the 
fort in the evening. The sleds being procured, he 
immediately set out with them to return to his com- 
rades, traveling all night and arriving at their bivouac 
upon the following morning. And finally he drew a 
loaded sleigh back to the fort, reaching there in the 
evening. He thus stood out three days and two nights 
of severe and incessant toil, engaged for nearly four 
hours in a hot combat, and the remainder of the time 
in traveling over snow and ice. Such was the future 
hero of Eennington. 

At the commencement of the year 1757, a council 
was held at Boston, composed of Lord Loudon and 
the colonial governors. At this council, his lordship 
proposed that New England should raise four thousand 
troops for the coming campaign, and that New York 
and New Jersey should supply a proportionate number. 
These requisitions were complied with, and in the 
spring he found himself at the head of a very consid- 
erable army. Admiral Holborn arrived at Halifax in 
July, with a powerful squadron, and a reinforcement of 
^VQ thousand men under the command of Lord Howe. 
Lord Loudon sailed from New York with six thousand 



CAMPAIGN OF 1757. 87 

regulars to join these troops at the place of their ar- 
rival. Instead of the complex operations undertaken 
in previous campaigns, he limited his plan to a single 
object. Leaving the posts on Lake Champlain strongly 
garrisoned, he resolved to direct his whole disposable 
force against Louisbourg; Halifax having been deter- 
mined on as the place of rendezvous for the fleet and 
army destined for the expedition. Information was 
soon received, however, that a French fleet had lately 
sailed from Brest ; that Louisbourg was garrisoned by 
six thousand regulars exclusive of provincials ; and 
that it was also defended by seventeen line-of-battle 
ships which were moored in the harbor. There being 
no hope of success against so formidable a force, the 
enter})rise was deferred until the next year ; Loudon 
proceeded to ^New York, and the colonial troops were 
dismissed. 

The Marquis de Montcalm, availing himself of the 
absence of the principal part of the English force, 
advanced with an army of nine thousand men, and 
laid siege to Fort William Henry. Montcalm had 
won a distinguished reputation on the continent of 
Europe, and had met with extraordinary success in 
America. The conquest of Oswego had raised his 
fame among the Indians, and given him the command 
of almost all their tribes and commerce. He pursued 
the advantages he had gained, with much discretion. 
The garrison at Fort William Henry consisted of be- 
tween three and four thou^^and regulars under the 
command of Colonel Monroe, and its fortiflcationa 
-were strong and in good order; and for the additional 
security of this important post. General Webb was 



88 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

stationed at Fort Edward with an army of four thou- 
sand men. The French commander, however, urged 
his approaches with such vigor, that, within six days 
after the investment of the fort. Colonel Monroe, the 
commandant, having in vain solicited succor from Gen- 
eral Webb, found it necessary to surrender by capitula- 
tion. The garrison was to be allowed the honors of 
war, and to be protected against the Indians until 
within the reach of Fort Edward ; but the next morn- 
ing, a great number of Indians, having been permitted 
to enter the lines, began to plunder ; and meeting with 
no opposition, they fell upon the sick and wounded, 
whom they immediately massacred. Their appetite 
for carnage being excited, the defenseless troops were 
attacked with fiend-like fury. Monroe in vain im- 
plored Montcalm to provide the stipulated guard, and 
.the massacre proceeded. All was turbulence and 
horror. On every side savages were butchering and 
scalping their wretched victims. Their hideous yells, 
the groans ^of the dying, and the frantic shrieks of 
others shrinking from the uplifted tomahawk, were 
heard by the French unmoved. The fury of the sav- 
ages was permitted to rage without restraint until 
fifteen hundred were killed, or hurried captives into 
the wilderness. The day after this awful tragedy, 
Major Putnam* was sent with his rangers to watch 

• Israel Putnam was born at Salem, Massachusetts, Januaiy 7th, 1718. 
Courage, enterprise, activity and perseverance were his prominent char- 
acteristics. He was also distinguished for a faithful discharge of all the 
duties of his station, and for the most undeviating principles of honor, 
humanity and benevolence. Ii 1739, he removed to Pomfret, Connect- 
icut, where he applied himself to agricultural pursuits until the openins: 



MASSACRE AT FORT WILLIAM KFNRT. 89 

the motions of the enemy. When he came to the 
shore of the hike, their rear was hardly beyond the 
reacli of musket shot. The prospect was horrible in 
the extreme ; the fort demolished ; the barracks and 
buildings yet burning ; innumerable fragments of hu- 
man carcasses still broiling in the decaying fires ; and 
dead bodies, mangled with tomahawks and seal ping- 
knives, in all the wantonness of Indian barbarity, 
were everywhere scattered around. Who can forbear 
exclaiming with the poet, 

" Man is to man the surest, sorest ill I " 

Thus. ended the third campaign in America; happily 
forming the last of a series of disasters resulting from 
folly and mismanagement, rather than from want of 
means and military strength. The successes of the 
French left the colonies in a gloomy state. By the ac- 
quisition of Fort William Henry, they had obtained full 
possession of the Lakes Champlain and George ; and 
by the destruction of Oswego, they had acquired the 
dominion over those other lakes which connect the St. 
Lawrence with the waters of the Mississippi. The first 
afforded the easiest admission from the northern colo- 
nies into Canada, or from Canada into those colonies; 
the last united Canada to Louisiana. By the continued 
possession of Fort Du Quesne, they preserved their 
ascendancy over the Indians, and held undisturbed 

of the war with the French in 1755, when he waa appointed to the com- 
mand of a company of rangers. His hardy and adventurous disposition 
always led him to the post of the greatest fatigue and danger, and he 
often came near falling into the hands of the enemy, or being slain in 
his frequent skirmishes with them. His services during the campaign 
of 1756, had been rewarded by promotion to tlie rank of major 



90 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

control of the country west of the Alleghany moun- 
tains. The British nation was alarmed and indignant, 
and the king found it necessary to change his councils. 
At the head of the new ministry, he placed the cele- 
brated William Pitt, afterward earl of Chatham, who 
was raised by his talents from the humble post of 
ensign in the guards, to the control of the destinies of 
a mighty empire ; under his administration public con- 
fidence revived, and the nation seemed inspired with 
new life and vigor. He was equally popular in both 
hemispheres ; and so promptly did the governors of 
the northern colonies obey the requisitions of his cir' 
cular letter of 1757, that by May, in the following year, 
Massachusetts had seven thousand, Connecticut five 
thousand, and Kew Hampshire three thousand troops, 
prepared to take the field. The zeal of Massachusetts 
was particularly ardent. The people of Boston en- 
dured taxes which took away two-thirds of the income 
on real estate ; one-half of the effective men in the 
province were on some sort of military duty ; and the 
transports for carrying the troops to Halifax were 
ready to sail in fourteen days from the time of their 
engagement. The mother country was not less active. 
While her fleets blockaded or captured the French 
armaments, she dispatched Admiral Boseawen to 
Halifax with a formidable squadron of ships, and an 
army of twelve thousand men. Lord Loudon was 
replaced by General Abercrombie, who, early in the 
spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon the campaign 
at the head of fifty thousand men, the most powerful 
army ever yet seen in America. 
Li the winter of 1757, when Colonel Haviland wav 



PUTNAM CONQUERINQ FIEE. 91 

comrnandant at Fort Edward, the barracks adjoining 
the north-west bastion, took tire. They stood but twelve 
feet tVoin the magazine, which contained three hundred 
barrels of powder. On its first discovery, the fire raged 
with great violence. The commandant endeavored in 
vain, hy discharging some pieces of heavy artillery 
against the supporters of this range of barracks, to 
level them with the ground. Putnam arrived from an 
island where he was stationed, at the moment when 
the blaze approached that end which was contiguous 
to the magazine. With the promptness, energy and 
daring that always characterized him, Putnam at once 
made a vigorous attempt to extinguish the conflagra- 
tion. A way was opened by the postern gate to the 
river, and the soldiers were employed in bringing 
water, which he, having mounted on a ladder to the 
eaves of the building, received and threw upon the 
flame. It continued, notwithstanding their utmost 
efforts, to gain upon them. He stood, enveloped in 
smoke, so near the sheet of fire, that a pair of blanket 
mittens was burnt entirely from his hands. He was 
suppl'.ed with another pair dipped in water. Colonel 
Ilaviland, fearing that he would perish in the flames, 
called to him to come down ; but he entreated that he 
might be suffered to remain, since destruction must 
inevitably ensue if their exertions should be remitted. 
The gallant commandant, not less astonished than 
charmed at the boldness of his conduct, forbade any 
more effects to be carried out of the fort, animated the 
men to redoubled diligence, and exclaimed, ''If we 
must be blown up, w'e will all go together." At last, 
when the barracks were seen to be tumbling, Putnam 



92 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

descended, placed himself at the magazine, and contin 
ued, from an incessant rotation of replenished buckets, to 
pour water upon its blazing walls. The outside planks 
were already consumed by the proximity of the fire, and 
as only one thickness of timber intervened, the trepi 
dation now became general and extreme. Putnam, 
still undaunted, covered with a cloud of cinders, and 
scorched with the intensity of the heat, maintained his 
position until the fire subsided, and the danger was 
over. He had contended for one hour and a half with 
that terrible element. His legs, his thighs, his arms, 
and his face were blistered ; and when he pulled off 
his second pair of mittens, the skin from his hands 
and fingers followed them. It was a month before he 
recovered. The commandant, to whom his merits had 
before endeared him, could not stifle the emotions of 
gratitude due to the man who had been instrumental 
in preserving the magazine, the fort, and the garrison. 

Three points of attack were involved in the cam- 
paign of 1758 : Louisbourg, Ticonderoga, and Da 
Quesne. General Amherst conducted the enterprise 
against Louisbourg with an army of fourteen thousand 
men. Pi-eparations had been made on such an ex- 
tensive scale, that the commander at Louisbourg soon 
saw that all resistance would be in vain, and he 
accepted terms of capitulation. The command of the 
St. LawTence was by this surrender placed in the 
hands of the English. The expedition against Fort 
Du Quesne was equally successful ; the garrison es- 
caping down the Ohio, the evening before the arrival 
of the British army. 

The army destined to execute the plans against 



STORMING OF TICONDKROGA. 93 

Ticonderoga, was commanded by General Abercrom- 
bie, and consisted of more than fifteen thousand men, 
attended by a formidable train of artillery. Early 
in July, the general embarked bis troops on Lake 
George, and commenced operations against Ticonde- 
roga. After debarkation at the landing-place, in a 
cove on the west side of the lake, the troops were 
formed into four columns, the British in the center, 
and the provincials on the flanks. In this order they 
marched toward the advanced guard of the French, 
which, consisting of one battalion only, posted in a 
logged camp — destroyed what was in their power, and 
made a precipitate retreat. While Abercrombie was 
continuing his march in the woods toward Ticonde- 
roga, the columns were thrown into confusion, and 
in some degree entangled with each other. At this 
juncture, Lord Howe, at the head of the right cen- 
ter column, fell in with a part of the advanced guard 
of the enem}^, which had been lost in the wood in 
retreating from Lake George, and immediately at- 
tacked and dispersed it, killing a considerable num- 
ber, and taking one hundred and forty-eight prisoners. 
This success was attended by the loss of the gallant 
nobleman, who fell in leading the attack. The English 
army, without further opposition, took possession of 
a post within two miles of Ticonderoga. Abercrom- 
bie, having learned from the prisoners the strength 
of the enemy at that fortress, and, from an engineer, 
the condition of their works, resolved on an imme- 
diate storm, and made instant disposition for an as- 
sault. The troops having received orders to march 
up briskly, rush upon the enemy's fire, and reserve 



[ytUf 



94 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

their own till they had passed a breastwork, marched 
to the assault with great intrepidity. Unlooked-for 
impediments, however, occurred. In front of the 
breastwork, to a considerable distance, trees had been 
felled with their branches outward, many of which 
were sharpened to a point, by means of which the 
assailants were not only retarded in their advance, 
but, becoming entangled among the boughs, were ex- 
posed to a very galling fire. Finding it impracti- 
cable to pass the breastwork, which was eight or nine 
feet high, and much stronger than had been repre- 
sented, General Abercrombie, after a contest of near 
four hours, ordered a retreat, and the next day re- 
sumed his former camp on the south side of Lake 
George. In this brave but ill-judged assault, nearly 
two thousand of the assailants were killed and 
wounded, while the loss of the enemy, who were 
covered during the whole action, was inconsiderable. 
General Abercrombie immediately recrossed Lake 
George, and entirely abandoned the project of cap- 
turing Ticonderoga. 

In the month of August, five hundred men were 
employed, under the orders of Majors Rogers and 
Putnam, to watch the motions of the enemy near 
Ticonderoga. At South Bay they separated the party 
into two equal divisions, and Rogers took a position 
on "Wood creek, twelve miles distant from Putnam. 
Upon being, some time afterward, discovered, they 
formed a reunion, and concerted measures for return- 
ing to Fort Edward. Their march through the woods 
was in three divisions, by files : the right commanded 
by Rogv:;rs, the left by Putnam, and the center by 



CAPTURE OF pltnam; 95 

Captain D' Ell. At the moment of moving, the 
famous French partisan, Molang, who had been sent 
with five hundred men to intercept their party, was 
not more than one mile and a half distant from them. 
Major Putnam was just emerging from the thicket, 
into the common forest, when the enemy rose, and, 
with discordant yells and whoops, commenced an 
attack upon the right of his division. Surprised, 
but undismayed, Putnam halted, returned the fire, 
and passed the word for the other divisions to ad- 
vance to his support. D'Ell came. The action^ 
though widely scattered, and principally fought be- 
tween man and man, soon grew general, and intensely 
warm. 

Major Putnam, perceiving it would be impracticable 
to cross the creek in his rear, determined to maintain 
his ground. Inspired by his example, the officers and 
men behaved with great bravery ; sometimes they 
fought collectively in open view, and sometimes in- 
dividually under cover : taking aim from behind the 
bodies of trees, and acting in a manner independent 
of each other. For himself, having discharged his 
fusee several times, at length it missed fire, while 
the muzzle was pressed against the breast of a large 
and well-proportioned savage. This warrior, availing 
himself of the indefensible attitude of his adversary, 
with a tremendous war-whoop, sprang forward with 
his lifted hatchet, and compelled him to surrender; 
and, having disarmed and bound him fast to a tree, 
returned to the battle. 

The intrepid Captains, D'Ell and Ilarman, who 
now commanded, were forced to give ground, for a 



DG ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN7MOTJNTAIN HEEOES. 

little distance ; the savages, conceiving this to be tho 
certain harbinger of victory, rushed impetuously on, 
with dreadful and redoubled cries. But the two 
partisans, collecting a handful of brave men, gave 
the pursuers so warm a reception, as to oblige them, 
in turn, to retreat a little beyond the spot at which 
the action had commenced. Here they made a stand. 
Tliis change of ground placed the tree to which 
Putnam was tied, directly between the hottest fire of 
the two parties. Human imagination can hardly 
figure to itself a more deplorable situation. The balls 
flew incessantly from either side ; many struck the tree, 
while some passed through the sleeves and skirts of 
his coat. In this state of jeopardy, unable to move 
his body, to stir his limbs, or even to incline his 
head, he remained more than an hour — so equally 
balanced, and so obstinate was the fight! At one 
moment, while the battle swerved in favor of the 
enemy, a young savage chose an odd way of dis- 
playing his humor. He found Putnam bound — he 
might have dispatched him at a single blow — but he 
loved better to excite the terrors of the prisoner, by 
hurling a tomahawk at his head ; or rather, it would 
seem, his object was to see how near he could throw 
it without touching him. The weapon stuck in the 
tree a number of times, at a hair's breadth distance 
from the mark. When the Indian had finished his 
amusement, a French officer, perceiving Putnam, came 
up to him, and, leveling a fusee within a foot of his 
breast, attempted to discharge it — it mj|sed fire. In- 
effectually did , the intended victim solicit the treat- 
ment due to his situation, by repeating that ho was 



PDTNAM IN CAPTIVITY. 97 

a prjfioner of war. The degenerate Frenchman, dead 
to sensibility, violently and repeatedly pushed the 
muzzle of the gun against Putnam's ribs, and finally 
gave him a cruel blow on his jaw with the butt-end 
of his piece. After this dastardly deed he left him. 
At length, the active intrepidity of D'Ell and Ilar- 
man, seconded by the persevering valor of their fol- 
lowers, prevailed. They drove from the field the 
enemy, who left about ninety dead behind them. As 
they were retiring, Putnam was untied by the Indian 
who had made him prisoner, and whom he afterward 
called master. Having been conducted for some dis- 
tance from the place of action, he was stripped of 
Ills coat, vest, stockings, and shoes ; loaded with as 
many packs of the wounded as could be piled upon 
him ; strongly pinioned, and his wrists tied as closely 
together as they could be pulled with a cord. After 
he had marched through no pleasant paths, in this 
painful manner, for many a tedious mile, the party 
(who were excessively fatigued) halted to breathe. 
His hands were now immoderately swelled from the 
tightness of the ligature, and the pain had become 
intolerable. His feet were so much scratched that 
the blood dropped fast from them. Exhausted with 
bearing a burden above his strength, and frantic 
with torments exquisite beyond endura,nce, he en- 
treated the Irish interpreter to implore, as the last 
and only grace he desired of the 'savages, that they 
would knock him on the head at once, or loose his 
hands. A French officer, instantly interposing, or- 
dered his hands to be unbound, and some of the 

packs to be taken off. By this time, the Indian who 

5 



98 ETaAJf ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 

captured him, and who had been absent with the 
wounded, coming up, gave him a pair of mocoasins, 
and expressed great indignation at the unworthy treat- 
ment his prisoner had suffered. 

That savage chief again returned to the care of 
the wounded, and the Indians, about two hundred 
in number, went before the rest of the party to the 
place where the whole were that night to encamp. 
They took with them Major Putnam, on whom, be- 
sides innumerable other outrages, they had the bar- 
barity to inflict a deep wound with a tomahawk in 
the left cheek. His sufferings were, in this place, to 
be consummated. A scene of horror, infinitely greater 
than had ever met his eyes before, was now preparing. 
It was determined to roast him alive. For this pur- 
pose they led him into a dark forest, stripped him 
naked, bound him to a tree, and piled dry brush, 
with other fuel, at a small distance in a circle around 
him. They accompanied their labors, as if for his 
funeral dirge, with screams and sounds inimitable 
but by savage voices. They then set the piles on 
fire. A sudden shower damped the rising flame. 
Still they strove to kindle it, until, at last, the blaze 
ran flercely round the circle. Major Putnam soon 
began to feel the scorching heat. 

• His hands were so tied that he could move his 
body. He often shifted sides as the fire approached. 
This sight, at the Very idea of which all but savages 
must shudder, afforded the highest diversion to. his 
inhuman tormentors, who demonstrated^ the delirium 
of their joy by corresponding yells, dances, and ges 
ticulations. He doiibted not that his final hour was 



rUTJS^AM US' CAFIIVITI. 99 

luevitably come, lie summoned all his resolution, 
and coiiijjused his mind as far as circumstances cuuld 
admit, to bid an eternal farewell to all he held most 
dear. To quit the world would scarcely have cost 
him a single pang, but for^the idea of home, but for 
the remembrance of domestic endearments, of the 
aliectiunate paitner of his soul, and of their beloved 
oliapring. ills thoughts were ultimately tixed on a 
happier state of existence, beyond the tortures he 
was beginning to endure. The bitterness of death, 
even of that death which is accompanied with the 
keenest agonies, was in a manner past — nature, with 
a feeble struggle, was quitting its last hold on sub- 
lunary things, when a French officer rushed through 
the crowd, opened a way by scattering the burning 
brands, and unbound the .victim. It was Mulang 
himself, to whom a savage, unwilling to see another 
human sacritice immolated, had run and cojnmuni- 
cated the tidings. That commandant spurned and 
severely reprimanded the barbarians whose nocturnal 
powwows and hellish orgies he suddenly ended. Put- 
nam did not want for feeling or gratitude. The 
French commander, fearing to trust him alone with 
them, remained until he could deliver him in safety 
into the hands of his master. 

The next day he was allowed his blanket and moc- 
casins, and permitted to march without carrying any 
*pack, or receiving any insult. T9 allay his extreme 
hunger, a little bear's meat was given him, which 
he sucked through his teeth. At night the party 
arrived at Ticonderoga, and the prisoner wus placed 
under the care of a French guard. The savages, who 



100 ETHAN AT.LFX AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

liad been prevented from glutting their diabolRal 
thirst for blood, took another opportunity of manifest 
ing their malevolence for the disappointment, by hor 
rid grimaces and angry gestures ; but they were nc 
more suffered to offer violence or personal indignity 
to him. Colonel Peter Schuyler was then a prisonei 
among the French. No sooner had he heard of Major 
Putnam's arrival, than he went and found him, in a 
comfortless condition, without coat, waistcoat or hose ; 
the remnant of his clothing miserably dirty and rag- 
ged ; his beard long and squalid ; his legs torn by 
thorns and briers ; and his face gashed with wounds 
and swollen with bruises. Through Colonel Schuyler's 
intervention, Putnam was treated according to his 
rank, and clothed in a decent manner. The follow- 
ing year an opportunity was afforded for an exchange 
of prisoners, and Putnam was released.* 

* On his return from Canada, Putnam was accompanied by Mrs. 
Howe, known as the " fair captive," who had been taken at Bridgraan's 
Fort in 1756. Her history was very affecting. Her first husband was 
"William Phipps, an account of who>e death, after having slain two 
of his Indian captors, near Fort Dummer, has already been related. Her 
second husband was Mr. Howe, who was also slain at the time of her 
captivity. On the march to Canada, she had endured extreme suffering, 
the poignancy of which was increased by the cruel treatment which her 
children received from the Indians. She was taken to Crown Point, and 
from thence, by the way of Montreal, to the village of St. Francis* 
her master having failed to sell her. "Our provisions," she says, in ho* 
deeply affecting narrative, "were so scanty, as well as insipid and un- 
savory, the weather was so cold, and the traveling so very bad, that it 
almost seemed as if I must have perished on the way. The lips of my 
poor child were sometimes so benumbed, that, when I put it to my breasts 
it could not, till it grew warm, imbibe the nourishment requisite for its 
support. While we were at Montreal, we went into the house of a certain 
F.-ench gentleman, whose lady, on being sent for, and coming into the 



THE FAIK CAFIIVE. 101 

The campaign of J758 had been highly honorable 
to the British arms, and the result of it was very 
important. Of the three expeditions, two had com- 
pletely succeeded, and the leader of the third had 

room where I was, to examine me, seeing I had an infant,^exclaimed 
suddenly in this manner : ' D — ■ — it, I will not buy a woman that has a 
child to look after.' There was a swill-pail standing near me, in which 
I observed several crusts and crumbs of bread swimming on the surface 
of the greasy liquor it contained. Surely pinched with hunger, I skim 
med them of with my hands and ate them ; and this was all the refresh- 
ment which the house afforded me." Mi-s. Howe's children, being 
claimed by different Indians, were separated from their mother and from 
each other. Even her babe was snatched from her. " This," she says, 
in her narrative, "was a severe trial. The babe clung to ray bosom with 
all its might ; but I was obliged to pluck it thence, and deliver it, 
shrieking and screaming enough to penetrate a heart of stone, into the 
hands of those unfeeling wretches, whose tender mercies may be termed 
cruel." It was taken to Missisco, where, some weeks after, Mrs. Howe 
was permitted to visit it. "I had preserved my milk," she says, "ia 
hopes of seeing my beloved child again. And here I found it, it is true, 
but in a condition that afforded me no great satisfaction — it bei'ng 
greatly emaciated and almost starved. I took it in my arms, and put 
its face to mine, and it instantly bit me with such violence, that it seemed 
as if I must have parted with a piece of my cheek. I was permitted to 
lodge with it that and the two following nights ; but every morning that 
intervened, the Indians, I suppose on purpose to torment me, sent me 
away to another wigwam, which stood at a little distance, though not 
so far from the one in which my distressed infant was confined, but that 
I could plainly hear its incessant cries, and heart-rending lamentations.'* 
During her rambles with the Indians, she was frequently on the point of 
perishing with hunger, and as often subjected to hardships seemingly 
intolerable. On one occasion she was informed by a friendly Indian, 
that one of her children was in a wigwam seven miles distant, and she 
determined to visit him. "While I was busy in contemplating tliis af- 
fair," she says, "the Indians obtained a little bread, of which they gave 
me a small share. I did not taste a moi-sel of it myself, but saved it all 
for my poor child, if I should be so lucky as to find him. At length, 
having obtained leave of my keepers to be absent for one day, I set ofl 



102 ETUAN ALLKN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

made an important conquest. ,To the commanding 
talents, of Pitt, and the confidence which they in- 
spired, this change of fortune must be chiefly atlrib 
uted ; and in no respects were these talents moro 
strikingly displayed than in the choice of men to 
execute his plans. The advantages of this campaign 

early in the morning, and beheld, as I drew nigh, rny little son without 
the camp. He seemed to be nearly starved. I took him in my aims, 
and bespoke to me those words in the Indian tongue : 'Mother, are you 
come ? ' I took him into the wiffwam with me, and observing; a number 
of Indian children in it, I distributed all the bread which 1 had reserved 
for my own child, among them all; otherwise I should have given great 
offense. My little boy appeared to be very fond of his new mother, kept 
as near me as possible while I stayed, and when I told him I must go, he 
fell as though he had been knocked down with a club." Two of Mi-s. 
Howe's daughters were of marriageable age,, and to add to the number 
of her miseries, the Indians selected a couple of their young men to 
marry them. 'J'he fright and disgust which the intelligence of this in- 
tention occasioned to these poor young creatures, added infinitely to the 
sorrows and perplexities of their frar>tic mother. But she found an op- 
portunity of conveying to the governor a petition that her daughters 
might be received into a convent, for the sake of securing the salvation 
of their souls. Hnppily, this expedient succeeded. After Mrs. Howe had 
been a year with the Indians, she was purchased by an old Frenchman, 
in whose family new trials awaited her. She was still beautiful, and 
both her master and his son, who lield a commission in the French army, 
became passionately fond of her, and she was greatly embarrassed by tlieir 
importunities, from which she saw no way of escape. Finally, she found 
an opportunity of telling the story of her woes to Colonel Peter Schuy- 
ler, who was then a prisoner at Montreal. He immediately endeavored 
to procure her liberty ; but the Frenchman who had purchased her from 
the savages, unwilling to part with so fair a purchase, demanded an im- 
mense ransom. Colonel Schuyler, however, obtained from tlie governor 
in order that she should be given up for the price that had been paid for 
her ; nor did his active goodness rest, until he had restored every one of 
her five sons to her. One of her daughters subsequently married a French 
'jflTiccr, and tlie other returned home. Such is a brief narrative of the 
«iufi*erings of one of the early Vermont matrons. 



CAMI'AIGN OF 1769. lOS 

had, however, been purchased by an Expensive effort, 
and corresponding exhaustion of provincial strength ; 
and when, by his persuasion, the colonies resolved 
upon making the most vigorous preparation for the 
next, they soon discovered that their resources were 
by no means commensurate with their zeal. 

Notwithstanding these difficulties, it was resolved 
to signalize the year 1759 by the complete conquest 
of Canada. The plan of the campaign was, that three 
powerful armies should enter the French possessions- 
by three different routes, and attack all their strong- 
holds at nearly the same time. At the head of one 
division, Brigadier-general Wolfe, a young officer who 
had signalized himself at the siege of Louisbourg, was 
to ascend the St. Lawrence, and to proceed against 
Quebec, escorted by a strong fleet to cooperate with 
his troops. The central and main army, composed 
of British and provincials, was to be conducted 
against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, by General 
Amherst, the new commander-in-chief, who, after mak- 
ing himself master of these places, was to proceed 
• on Lake Champlain, and by the way of the liichelieu 
river to the St. Lawrence, and, descending that river, 
form a junction with Wolfe before Quebec. The third 
army, to be composed principally of colonial troops, 
reinforced by a strong body of friendly Indians, was 
to be commanded by General Prideaux, who was to 
lead this division lirst against Niagara, and, after 
the reduction of that place, to embark on Lake On- 
tario, and proceed down the St. Lawrence against 
Montreal. The second of these expeditions properly 
belongs to the scope of this narrative ; while the others 



104: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. • 

can only be described sufficiently to show their in- 
fluence upon the military operations carried on by 
way of Lake Charaplain. 

Early in the year 1X59, General Amherst commenced 
preparations for his part of the enterprise. But so 
many difficulties occurred to retard the operations of 
his army in that unsettled part of the country, that 
the summer was already far advanced, before he could 
pass Lake George with his troops and artillery. Aware 
of the danger of surprise, and not unmindful of the 
disaster that the British troops had sustained the year 
before, this able and judicious officer proceeded with 
the greatest circumspection : leaving nothing to chance, 
but making provision for every difficulty or opposition 
that could be foreseen. At length, in the latter end of 
July, he arrived in the vicinity of Ticonderoga, with 
his army of regulars and provincials in excellent order, 
and amply supplied with artillery, military stores, and 
provisions. The enemy had watched all his motions, 
in the hope of finding an opportunity to gain some 
advantage ; but they ventured to make no opposition 
to his troops, either when crossing the lake, or effecting 
their landing. Having passed the lake and landed his 
stores, Amherst immediately began to make prepara- 
tions to reduce the fortress by a regular siege. At first 
the enemy appeared determined to make a stubborn 
defense. They soon found that they had an able 
officer to oppose ; that Amherst was cautious, resolute, 
well prepared for undertaking the siege, and not dis- 
posed to subject anything to unnecessary risk or hazard. 
Despairing of making a successful defense, and having 
orders to retreat from place to place toward the centr^ 



TICONDEROGA ABANDONED BY THE FliENCH. 105 

of operations at Quebec, rather than to run the risk of 
diminishing the French force by surrendering prisoners 
of war, they set about dismantling the fortifications; 
and, Iiaving done some small injuries to the works, 
abandoned them and retired to Crown Point ; leaving 
their heavy artillery, several snnken boats, and the 
works but little damaged, though on fire. 

Having succeeded in his attempts against Ticonde- 
roga, Amherst began to repair and enlarge the fortifi- 
cations ; and to prepare his bateaux and other vessels 
for an expedition against Crown Point. Scouting and 
ranging parties were constantly employed, hovering in 
the neighborhood of that place, and watching all the 
motions of the enemy. One of these parties brought 
intellio^ence that the French had also abandoned Crown 
Point and were gone down the lake without destroying 
the works. Amherst detached a body of rangers to 
take possession of the place ; and on the 4th of Angust 
embarked with his army, landed the same day, and 
placed his troops within the enemy's w^orks. Thus was 
eft'ected the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 
No sooner was their conquest completed, than Amherst 
undertook the erection of new works, strengthened and 
enlarged the old ones, and began another fort : deter- 
mined that the enemy should never again obtain pos- 
session of a post which had been so dangerous and 
distressing to the British provinces. The French troops 
retired to the Isle Aux Noix at the north end of Lake 
Cham plain. 

Crown Point had been in the possession of the 
French for thirty years, and from the time of its erec- 
tion had afforded facilities for predatory excursions into 

5* 



106 ETHAN AJLLEN AND GKEExV-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

the English colonies ; and man}'^ were the prisoners who 
had there suffered all the barbarities that savao^e ino^e- 
miity could devise. Its conquest insured safety to the 
frontiers of New England from incursions bj way of 
Lake Champlain ; but another channel, through which 
the settlements on the Connecticut had been harassed, 
remained still open. This was the Indian village of St. 
Francis, situated at the mouth of the river of that 
name. This place the Indians had eftriched with the 
pillage of the IS^ew-England settlements, and they had 
garnished it with the scalps of many hundreds of their 
victims. Passing up the St. Francis river to Lake 
Memphremagog, and from thence to the Connecticut, 
these Indians had been enabled to make sudden and 
successful incursions into the colonies of Isew Hamp- 
shire and Massachusetts, and to return to their homes 
in safety. Amherst resolved to attempt the destruc- 
tion of this village. Major Rogers, of the New-Hamp- 
shire rangers, was selected for this arduous duty. Two 
hundred of the most hardy and resolute men in the 
army were placed under his command. The massacre 
at Fort William Henry, and the numberless other 
atrocities which their kindred and friends had suffered 
from these Indians, were fresh in the minds of all ; and 
they exulted in the expectation that the time for retri- 
bution had now come. The orders which they received 
from Amherst were little calculated to restrain their 
ferocity. '* liemember," said he, "the barbarities that 
have been committed by the enemy's Indian scoundrels 
on every occasion, where they had an opportunity of 
showing their infamous cruelties on the king's subjects, 
which they have done without mercy. Take your 



'4 

DESTRUCTION OF AX INDIAN VILLAGE. K)7 

eveiige, but forget not that thongli these villains have 
dastardly and promiscuously murdered the women and 
children of all ages, it is my orders that no women or 
children are killed or hurt." The only practical route 
to the Indian village was by way of Missisco bay, near 
where the French were encamped. The utmost circum- 
spection being necessary to avoid a discovery of the 
enemy, Rogers was seven days in reaching the bay. 
Concealing his boats he pushed forward through the 
woods, to the village of St. Francis. On the 2d of 
October, after having forded many streams and passed 
through many swamps, wi*;h incredible labor, Rogers 
reached the St. Francis river, and succeeded in fording 
it, although it was five feet in depth with a strong cur- 
rent. October 4th, in the evening, they came in sight 
of the Indian village. Disguised as Indians, Rogers, 
with two other ofiicers, went forward to reconnoitre 
the place. They discovered that the Indians were 
wholly unsuspicious of danger, engaged in a dancing 
frolic. Their revelry was continued till four o'clock in 
the morning, when they retired to their huts, and all 
became still. The troops, relieved of their packs, had 
refreshed themselves, and were now led up ; and, half 
an hour before sunrise, in three divisons, made a sim- 
ultaneous attack on three sides of the village. So 
completely were the savages surprised and confounded, 
that thff)^ made but Jittle resistance, and an indiscrimi- 
nate massacre in true Indian style now took place. The 
cabins were forcibly entered, and their inmates knocked 
down, or shot dead in their attempts to fly, few escapino-. 
In the obscure light, and confusion of the onset, it was 
impossible to distinguish age or sex. As the sun arose, 



108 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

it revealed to their view a scene so horrid that the men 
might have relented, but for the sight of the scalps of 
their murdered countrvmen, six or seven hundred of 
which, suspended on poles, were waving in the air in 
all parts of the village. This steeled their hearts to 
all emotions of compassion, and they continued to 
dispatch all alike ; and about seven o'clock the work 
was terminated by a general conflagration of the vil- 
lage. Of its three hundred inhabitants, two hundred 
were slain. Twenty women and children were taken 
prisoners*, but most of them were soon after liberated. 
Five English captives were found in the place, and were 
set free. Two hundred guineas in coin were found, 
and a silver image weighing ten pounds, together 
with a large quantity of clothing and some provisions. 
Collecting the provisions, and such articles as they 
could easily transport, they set fire to the town, and 
reduced it to ashes. At seven o'clock in the morning,- 
the affair was completely over ; Rogers then assembled 
his men, and found that one was killed, and six slightly 
wounded. Having refreshed his men for one hour, 
the major made no further delay, but set out on his 
return. To avoid his pursuers, Rogers now took a 
different route, and marched up St. Francis river: 
meaning to have his men collect, and rendezvous at 
Coos on the Connecticut. On their march, they were 
harassed by some of the enemy, a«d several times at- 
tacked in the rear. In these encounters they lost seven 
of their men. At length, Rogers, favored by the dusk 
of evening, formed an ambuscade, and fell upon the 
enemy where they least expected it ; by this stroke, 
he put an end to any further annoyance from them. 



GENERAL WOLFE. 109 

Foi about ten days the detachment kept together till 
they had passed the eastern side of Lake Memphre- 
magog. It was then thought best to scatter into 
smaller parties, and make the best of their way to 
some of the English settlements. Their sufferings 
now began to be severe, not only from the excessive 
fatigues they had undergone, but from hunger. Their 
provisions were expended, and they were yet at a dis- 
tance from any place of relief. Some were lost in the 
woods, and others perished at Coos, being unable to 
hold out any further. But Rogers, with most of his 
men, persevered amidst all their sufferings, till they 
arrived at JN'umber Four. This enterprise had been 
dangerous and fatiguing to the men who had been 
engaged in it ; but it made a deep impression on the 
enemy. It carried alarm^^and consternation into the 
heart of Canada, and convinced the Indians that the 
hand of vengeance was now come upon them. 

During the operations of i^mherst at Lake Champlain, 
General Wolfe prosecuted his daring and important ex- 
pedition against the capital of Caf.ada. Strong natu- 
rally, and still stronger by art, Quebec had obtained 
the appellation of Gibraltar of America ; and every 
attempt against it had failed. It was now commanded 
by Montcalm, an officer of distinguished reputation ; 
and its capture must have appeared chimerical to any 
one but Pitt. He judged rightly, however, that the 
coldest and most dangerous enterprises are often the 
most successful, especially when committed to ardent 
minds, glowing with enthusiasm and emulous of glory. 
Such a mind he had found in Wolfe, whose conduct 
had attracted his aftention. In June, 1759, Wolf© 



110 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

landed with eight thousand troops a few miles below 
Quebec. From this position, he could take a near 
and distinct view of the obstacles to be overcome. 
These were so great, that even the bold and sanguine 
Wolfe perceived more to fear than to hope. But he 
resolved to do his best. He declared he would rather 
die than to fail in the enterprise. Various attempts 
were made against the French, but besides his superior 
position, Montcalm's forces were much more numerous 
than those of Wolfe, and the latter was several times 
repulsed with the loss of many men. Nothing, how- 
ever, could shake the resolution of this valiant com- 
mander, or induce hifti to abandon his purpose. 

Baffled and harassed in all his previous assaults, 
General Wolfe seems to have determined to finish the 
enterprise. by a single bold and desperate eflbrt. This 
was to surmount the heights of Abraham, which over- 
looked Quebec, and were then deemed inaccessible. 
To mislead the French, the English fleet sailed several 
miles up the riv^er, making occasional demonstrations 
of a design to land troops ; while on the night of Sep- 
tember 12th, a strong detachment of flat-bottomed boats 
was dispatched down the St. Lawrence, to a point a 
mile above the city. The army landed about an hour 
before daybreak, clambered up a precipitous steep, 
three hundred feet high, and by sunrise, five thousand 
troops were marshaled on the heights of Abraham — a 
position which commanded the city. Montcalm would 
not at first believe the intelligence of this movement ; 
but, as soon as he was aware of its truth, he made all 
prudent haste to decide a battle which it was no longer 
possible to avoid. About nine in the morning, the 



DEATH OF GENERAL WOLF^. Ill 

main body of the French advanced briskly to the 
charge, and the action soon became general. Mont- 
calm having taken post on the left of the French army, 
and Wolfe on the right of the English, the two generals 
met each other where the battle was most severe. The 
English troops reserved their fire until the French had 
advanced within forty yards of their line, and then, 
by a general discharge, made terrible havoc among 
their ranks. The fire of the English was vigorously 
maintained, and the enemy everywhere yielded to it. 
General AVolte, who, exposed in the front of his battal- 
ions, had been w^ounded in the wrist, betraying no 
symptoms of pain, wrapped a handkerchief round his 
arm, and continued to encourage his men. Soon after, 
he received a shot in the groin; but, concealing the 
wound, he was pressing on at the head of his grena- 
diers, with fixed bayonets, when a third ball pierced 
his breast.* The i«'my, not disconcerted by his fall, 

* On receiving his mortal wound, Wolfe was conveyed into the rear, 
where, careless about himself, he evinced, in the agonies of death, the 
most anxious solicitude concerning the fate of the day. "Support 
me," he said to an officer near him; "let not my brave soldiers 
see me drop. The day is ours — keep it" From extreme faintness, 
he had reclined his head on the arm of an officer, but was soon aioused • 
by the cry of " They fly, they fly ! " " Who fly ? " exclaimed tlie dying 
hero. "The Frencli," answered his attendant; "they give way every- 
where." " W])at ! " feebly exclaimed Wolfe, " do they run already ? Go 
Co Colonel Preston and tell hin) to march Webb's regiment immediately 
to the bridge over the St Charles so as to cut off the fugitives' retreat 
Now, God be praised, I die happy." These were his last words, and in 
the midst of sorrowing companions, just at the monient of victory, he 
expired. A death more full of military glory has seldom been recorded 
by the pen of the historian, or celebrated by the pencil of the painter. 
General Wolfe was only thirty -three years of age. He possessed those 
cailitary talents, which, with the advantage of yeare and opportunity of 



112 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-M0U.\TAI2^ UEKOES. 

continued the action under Monckton, on whom the 
command now devolved, but who^ receiving a ball 
through his bodj, soon yielded the command to Gen- 
eral Townshend. Montcalm, figliting in front of hi8 
battalions, received a mortal wound about the same 
time ; and General Senezergas, the second in command, 
also fell. The British grenadiers pressed on with their 
bayonets. The center of the French army was broken. 
The Scottish highlanders, drawing their broadswords, 
completed the confusion of the enemy. An attempt 
was made by them to rally, but after a brief and iierce 
conflict, they retired, leaving the British undisputed 
masters of the field. The loss of the French was much 
greater than that of the English. Although Quebec 
was strongly defended by its fortifications. General 
Townshend had scarcely prepared to get his heavy 
artillery upon the heights for a siege, when the inhab- 
itants capitulated on condition tUat, during the war, 
they might enjoy their civil and religious rights. A 
garrison of five thousand English troops was placed 
in the city, and the fleet sailed out of the St. Lawrence. 
The fall of Quebec did not produce the immediate 
submission of Canada. The main body of the French 

action to moderate his ardor, expand his faculties, and give to his intui 
tive perception and scientific knowledge the correctness of judgment 
perfected by experience, would have placed him on a level with the 
most celebrated generals of any age or nation. Montcalm was every 
way worthy to be a competitor of Wolfe. He had the truest military 
genius of any officer whom the French had ever employed in America. 
After he had received his mortal wound, he was carried into the city; 
and when informed that it was mortal, his reply was, " I am glad of it." 
On being told that he could survive but a few hours, " So much the bet- 
ter," he replied, " I shall not then live to see the surrender of Quebec." 



EXPEDITION AGAINST MONTREAL. 113 

army retired to Montreal. There they remained dur- 
ing the winter, making extensive preparations for the 
recovery of Quebec. In the month of April, 1760, 
the French army sailed down the St. Lawrence, and 
^fiected a landing near Quebec. General Murray, to 
whom the care of maintaining the English conquest 
had been intrusted, had taken every precaution to 
preserve it ; but his troops had suffered so much from 
the extreme severity of the winter, that instead of 
five thousand, the original number of the garrison, 
there were scarcely three thousand fit for service. 
But with this small army he resolved to meet the 
enemy in the field, and marched out to the heights 
of Abraham, to defend that important location against 
the French ; but after a fierce encounter, Murray 
was obliged to retreat into the city. But before the 
French could prepare their batteries, and bring their 
guns to bear upon the fortifications, a British fleet 
most opportunely arrived, and the French precipi- 
tately retreated to Montreal. There the Marquis de 
Yaudreuil, governor of Canada, had fixed his head- 
quarters, and determined to make his last stand. 
For this purpose he called around him the whole 
force of his colony. 

While Yaudreuil was thus preparing for resistance, 
General Amherst was concertino^ and executinoj meas- 
ures to bring all the British armies in America, to 
act in concert against Montreal. Pie had sent in- 
structions to General Murray, at Quebec, directing 
him, as soon as the season would permit, to advance 
up the river St. Lawrence by water, toward Montreal, 
with all the troops that could be spared from the 



114 ETPIAJSr ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

garrisoD of Quebec. He appointed Colonel Haviland 
to command a body of troops, which were to pro 
ceed from Crown Point, through Lake Champlain 
to take possession of the Isle Aux Noix; and from 
thence they were to advance by the shortest practi 
cable route, to the banks of the river St. Lawrence. 
For himself, he proposed to go with the main body 
of his arm}^ by the way of the Mohawk to Lake 
Ontario; to embark his troops at Oswego, sail over 
the lake, and down the river St. Lawrence, to the 
Island of Montreal. By this plan, he proposed to 
bring all his troops against that place, and to inclose 
and surround the enemy on that island. Almost on 
the same day, the armies from Quebec, from Lake 
Ontario, and from Lake Champlain, were concen- 
trated before Montreal, and Yaudreuil was speedily 
compelled (September 8, 1700) to capitulate. In 1763, 
peace was ratified between England and France, by 
which all the possessions of the French in Canada 
were ceded to the English. 

Thus terminated a war, which originated in an at- 
tempt on the part of the French to surround the 
English colonists, and chain them to a narrow strip 
of country along the coast of the Atlantic ; and ended 
with their giving up th« whole of what was then 
their only valuable territory in ^NTorth America. The 
immediate advantage the colonies derived from the 
successful issue of the contest was great and appa- 
rent. Although, for a short period after the conquest 
of Canada had been effected, they were sul)ject to 
attacks from the Indian tribes attached to the French,- 
they were soon enabled to visit their cruelties with 



CIX)Sii OF THE FRENCH WAK. 1.15 

severe retribution, and to procure a lasting repose, 
as the Indians had no forts to which to repair for 
protection or aid. But the indirect results, though 
almost unperceived at first, were far more important, 
and prepared the way for those momentous efforts 
which resulted in the loss to Great Britain of the 
fairest portions of her colonies, and the establish- 
ment of her vassal as a rival. The colonies became 
inured to the habits and hardships of a military life, 
and skilled in the arts of European w^arfare ; while 
the desire of revenge for the loss of Canada, which 
France did not fail to harbor, was preparing for them 
a most efficient friend, and making way for the anom- 
alous exhibition of a despotic sovereign exerting all 
his power in the cause of liberty and independence. 



CHAPTEK II. 

THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GRANT? 

**Look now abroad — another race has filled 

These populous bordi^'S — wide the wood recede* 
And towns shoot up, and fertile plains are tilled; 

The land is full <(f harvests and eieeii meads ; 
Streams, numberless, that many a fountain feeds, 

Shine disembowered, and give to sun and breeze 
Their virgin waters; the full region leads , 

New Colonies forth, that tctward the western seas 
Spread, like a rapid flame among the autumnal lea es'* 

Bryant. 

Up to the close of the French war in 1760, the 
territory now composing the state of Yermont, was 
an uncultivated wilderness. The only considerahle 
settlement within its limits was at Fort Dummer, 
now Brattleborough. This fort had been built under 
the authority of Massachusetts, in 1724, and gave pro- 
tection to *a few families in its immediate' vicinity^ 
The region between Lake Champlain and the Con- 
necticut river is not knowfi to have been the perma. 
nent habitation of the Indian tribes, although it was 
often traversed by them in their hunting excursions, 
and in their warlike expeditions against each other. 
The constant warfare which was maintained between 
the Indians on the St. Lawrence, and those on the 
Mohawk, as well as the subsequent wars between 
the French and English colonies, were carried on 
chiefly through Lake Champlain and its vicinity, ren- 
dering the settlement, by Indians or whites, extremely 



KE8ULTS OF PEACE. 117 

hazardous. To prevent the unwelcome iocursians of" 
the Indians attached to the French interests, and to 
give protection to the frontier settlements, Fort Dum- 
mer was erected ; as was also, about twenty years 
afterward, Fort Hoosic or Massachusetts, the site of 
which is now pointed out between the villages of 
Williamstown and Korth Adams. For a series of 
years previous to 1759, the French had held posses- 
sion of the forts at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
and their vicinity had been the scene of many bloody 
and destructive battles between them and their Indian 
allies on the one hand, and the English colonists on 
the other. In these warlike operations, as well as in 
the incursions of the «^avages, much of the best blood 
of New England had been spilt, and many of its 
most valuable inhabitants had been carried into cap- 
tivity. In their retaliatory expeditions against Can- 
ada, the English colonists had traversed the greater 
portion of Vermont, and had become charmed with its 
beauties and fertility. The French also regarded this 
region as an attractive portion of their possessions, and 
while, in the intervals of peace, the English colonists 
were gradually spreading their settlements northward 
on the Connecticut, French adventurers as eagerly 
sought homes along the borders of Lake Champlain. 
The war having terminated in the conquest of 
Canada, the frontiers of New York, Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire were no longer exposed to the 
inroads of the French, or the ravages and depreda- 
tions of the Indians. The prospect was that the un- 
settled parts of the country would now afford pleasant 
and safe abodes for a large body of farmers, who 



118 mHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN -MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

might wish to advance their fortunes bj establishing 
settlements along the frontiers. IS^o portion of the 
country appeared more inviting than that situated 
between Lake Champlain and the Connecticut, and 
it was eagerly explored by adventurers and specula- 
tors. The soil was, in many places, of uncommon 
fertility, favorable to the production of grain, and in 
all, to grazing and the raising of cattle. It was plenti- 
fully waterecl by numerous streams, and abounded 
with excellent timber. In such a soil and situation, 
it was thought by the hardy pioneers, the labor and 
hardships of a few years could scarcely fail to secure 
for them valuable farms, with the ease and indepen- 
dence which are the proper rewards of industry and 
frugality. Encouraged by such prospects, many peo- 
pie began to settle, or to speculate in those lands. As 
early as 1696, indeed. Governor Fletcher, of the prov 
ince of JS^ew York, bestowed a considerable portion 
of the present state of Yermont upon Godfrey Del- 
lius, one of his favorites, who was the minister of the 
Dutch church in Albany. Uellius was one of the 
commissioners for Indian affairs, and had previously 
obtained from the Mohawk Indians, fraudulently, as 
they said, a deed of their title to the same lands. 
This singular and very liberal donation, conveyed 
to Dellius eight hundred and forty square miles of 
territory. The avarice of the minister, and the gen- 
erosity of the governor, are equally entitled to a smile, 
if it is permissible to smile at any transaction between 
60 venerable a prelate as "our Loving Subject the 
Reverend Godfredius Dellius, Minister of the Gospel 
att our city of Albany," and so august a magistrate 



THE DELLIUS QEANT. 11© 

as " his Excellency, the Honorable Benjamin ffletcher, 
his Majesty's Governor and Commander in Cliief of 
the Province of New Yorke and tiie territories de- 
pending thereon in America." The conveyance was 
made upon the following condition: "lie Yielding 
Kendeiing and Paying therefore Yearly and every 
Year unto us our Heirs and Successors on the feast 
Day of the Annunciation of our blessed Virgin Mary 
at our city of New Yorke the Annuall Rente of one 
Raccoon Skinn in lieu and stead of all other Rents 
Services Dues Dutyes and Demands whatsoever for 
the said Tract of Land and Islands and Premises." 
The Earl of Bellamonte, who succeeded Fletcher, 
justly regarding these and other large grants as cal- 
culated to impede the settlement of the country, rec- 
ommended the annulment of these grants or patents 
by the legislature. This was accordingly done, and 
the assembly, exercising ecclesiastical as well as civil 
authority, also passed a resolution, suspending Dellius 
from the ministry for "deluding the Maquaas [Mo- 
hawk] Indians, and illegal and surreptitious obtaining 
of said grants." Dellius returned to Holland, and, 
regarding his title as still valid, transferred his claim 
to the Rev. John Ljdius, his successor in the min- 
istry at Albany, whose descendants long afterward 
attempted the enforcement of the claim. From 1731, 
until the conquest of Canada in 1760, the French 
governors of that province made grants of nearly 
all the lands contiguous to Lake Champlain, and 
various settlements w^ere begun ; but they were all 
abandoned during the last French war. 

In the charters granted by the sovereigns of England 



120 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

to the earlv colonists on the continent, so little was 
known of the geography of the country, and so trifling 
was the value of the grants considered, that their 
definition of boundaries was extremely vague, as they 
well might be, the crown having no precise notions of 
the extent or situation of the territories it was ceding 
to its favorites. Accordingly, as the importance of the 
colonies increased, and the people became interested 
in knowing the exact limits of their possessions, it was 
found that there were, in several instances, conflicting 
claims to the same tract of country. Hence arose 
many imbittered controversies between the colonies, 
some of which were not finally settled until long after 
the Revolution. The territory comprising the state of 
New York is an example of the difiiculty attendant 
upon these questions. By the terms of the charters to 
Massachusetts and Connecticut, the possessions of each 
were to extend westward to the South sea or Pacific 
ocean. Although the Dutch had for several years been 
in possession of the Hudson river, it does not seem to 
have been fully known that the above grants conflicted 
with their interests, although they contained the follow- 
ing condition : "Provided always, that the said lands, 
islands, or any of the premises b}^ the said letters patent 
intended or meant to be granted, were not then actually 
possessed or inhabited by any other Christian power 
or State." After the conquest of "]N'ew Netherlands," 
as the Dutch possessions were called, Charles H. granted 
them to his brother, the Duke of York. The terms of 
this charter, (the controversy respecting which resulted 
in the admission of Vermont as a separate state of the 
Union) will interest the reader. 



THE CHARTER OF NEW YORK. 121 

" CHARLirs THE Second, bj the Grace of God, King 
of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender ot 
the Faith, &c. To all to whom these presents shall 
come. Greeting : Know ye, that we, for divers good 
causes and considerations, have, of our especial grace, 
certain knowledge and mere motion, given and granted, 
and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, 
do give and grant unto our dearest brother, James, 
Duke of York, his heirs and assigns, all that part of 
the main land of New England, beginning at a certain 
place, called or known by the name of St. Croix, next 
adjoining to New Scotland in America ; and from 
thence extending along the sea coast, unto a certain 
place called Petuaguine, or Pemaquid, and so up the 
river thereof to the furtherest head of the same, as it 
tendeth northwards; and extending from the river of 
Kenebeque, and so upwards, by the shortest course of 
the- river Canada, northwards : And all that island 
or islands, commonly called by the several name or 
names of Matowacks or Long Island, situate, and being 
towards the west of Cape Cod, and the Narrow High- 
gansetts, abutting upon the main land, between the 
two rivers there, called or known by the several names 
of Connecticut and Hudson's River, together also with 
the said river called Hudson's, and all the land>< from 
the west side of Connecticut rvoer to the east side of 
Delaware Bay: and also, all those several islands, 
called or known by the names of Martin's Vineyard, 
and Nantuckes, otherways, Nantucket ; together with 
all, &c. Dated the twenty ninth day of June, in the 
twenty sixth year of the reign of King Charles the 
Second." 

The boundary between New York and Connecticut 

was ultimately fixed at a distance of twenty miles east 

of the Hudson, it being found that lands had been 

granted by the Connecticut authorities, and settlements 

made, thus far westward ; and, for a similar leason, the 

same arrangement was made in regard to the boundary 

Detweeu Massachusetts and New York. The governor 

6 



122 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

of New Hampshire, thinking it probable that the juris- 
diction of his government, the charter being somewhat 
ambiguous, was designed to extend as far westward as 
thiit of Massachusetts and Connecticut, took piompt 
measures, as soon as the importance of the territory 
seemed to justify the step, to establish this boundary 
During the peace which preceded the last French war 
Benning Wentworth, then governor of New Hampshire, 
wj'ote to Governor George Clinton, of New York, in 
regard to the subject. He said, "I have it in command 
from his Majesty, to make grants of the unimproved 
lands within my government, to such of the inhabitants 
and others as shall apply for grants of the same, as will 
oblige themselves to settle and improve, agreeable to 
his Majesty's instructions. The war, hitherto, has pre- 
vented me from making so great a progress as I hoped 
for on my first appointment ; but as there is a prospect 
of a lasting peace with the Indians, in which your 
Excellency has had a great share, people are daily 
applying for grants of land in all quarters of this 
government, and particularly some for townships to be 
laid out in the western part thereof, which will fall in 
the neighborhood of your government. I think it my 
duty to apprise you thereof, and to transmit to your 
Excellency the description of New Hampshire, as the 
king has determined it in the words of my commission, 
which, after you have considered, I shall be glad if you 
will be. pleased to give me your sentiments in whj*t 
manner it will affect the grants made by you or preced- 
ing governors ; it being my intention to avoid, as much 
as I can, consistent with his Majesty's instructions, 
interfering with your government.'' Governor Clintoa 



, GUBERNATORIAL CORRESPONDENCE. 123 

placed this letter before the council ; tliey "humbly ad 
vised his Excellency to acquaint Governor Wentworth 
in answer to his said letter, that this province [New 
York] is bounded eastward by Connecticut river ; the 
letters-patent from King Charles II. to the Duke of 
York, expressly granting ' all the lands from the west 
side of the Connecticut river to the east side of Del- 
aware bay.' " This resolution of the council was 
transmitted to Governor Wentworth. 

Previous to receiving a reply from the governor of 
New York, Wentworth granted (January 3d, 1749) to 
William Williams and sixty-one other persons, a town- 
ship, six miles square, which, in allusion to his own 
name, was called Bennington. It was situated twenty- 
four miles east of the Hudson river, and six miles north 
of the Massachusetts line. Wentworth gave informa- 
tion to Clinton of this grant, and promised to make 
no further cessions of land in that vicinity until the 
question of jurisdiction should be decided. Both 
governors con8ente(J to make representations of the 
matter to the king, and await his decision. Notwith- 
standing' this, Wentworth, during the ensuing four or 
five years, continued to make grants of lands on the 
west side of the Connecticut, amounting, in all, to 
fourteen 'townships in 1754. That year hostilities 
commenced between the English and French colonies, 
and until the final conquest of Canada, no further 
ap})lication8 were made for lands within the disj^uted 
limits. During the continuance of the war, the New- 
England troops cut a road from Number Four, on the 
Connecticut, to Crown Point, on Lake Champlain. 
From the summits of the Green Mountains thty looked 



124 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

admiringly upon the smiling and luxuriant valleys 
beneath them, and many a hardy volunteer selected 
the place where, at the close of the vrar, he should 
wish to establish a home. Upon the conquest of Can- 
ada, these persons applied foi grants to the governor 
of 'Nqw Hampshire, within whose jurisdiction the 
lands were generally supposed to be. By the advice 
of his council, Wentworth directed a survey to be 
made of Connecticut river for sixty miles ; and three 
lines of townships to be laid out, on each side. The 
applications for lands increased, and new surveys 
were made. So rapid was the progress, that during 
the year 1761, not less than sixty townships, of six 
miles square, were granted on the west of Connecticut 
river. The whole number of grants, in one or two 
years more, amounted to one hundred and thirty-eight ; 
and their extent was from Connecticut river, to what 
was considered twenty miles east of Hudson river, so 
far as that extended to the northward ; and after that, 
as far west as the eastern shore of Lake Champlain. 
The cultivation of the country, and the number of the 
settlers, increased with surprising rapidity ; *and Mr. 
Wentworth had an opportunity to accumulate a large 
fortune, by the fees and donations which attended the 
business, and by a reserve of five hundred acres, 
which lie made in every township, for himself 

To check the proceedings of New Hampshire, and 
to intimidate the settlers, Mr. Colden, lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of New York, issued a proclamation, setting 
forth the charter to the Duke of York, asserting its 
validity, claiming that the jurisdiction of New York 
extended eastward to the Connecticut river, and 



COUNTER-PROCLAMATIONS. 125 

commanding the sheriff of the county of Albany to 
make a return of all persons who, under color of 
grants from Governor Wentworth, had taken pos- 
session of any lands west of the Connecticut. To 
counteract the influence of this proclamation, Mr. 
"Wentworth also published one, pronouncing the char- 
ter to the Duke of York to be obsolete ; asserting that 
New Hampshire extended as far westward as Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut ; and assuring the settlers 
upon his grants that they would be confirmed by the 
crown, even should the jurisdiction be transferred' to 
New York. The people were exhorted not to be in- 
timidated, but to be industrious and diligent in the 
cultivation of their lands ; and the civil officers were 
required to exercise jurisdiction as far westward as 
grants had been made, and to punish all disturbers 
of the peace. After such assurances from a royal 
governor, they entertained no suspicion that a con- 
test between two provinces, respecting th^ extent of 
their jurisdiction, would ever affect the rights of those 
who had fairly purchased their lands from a governor 
appointed by the king. 

Hitherto, the claim of New York to the territory 
in question had been founded on the grant to the 
Duke of York. But when application was made to 
the crown for a confirmation of the claim, it was 
supported by a petition, purporting to be from a large 
number of the settlers on the New-Hampshire grants, 
representing that it would be for their advantage to 
be annexed to the colony of New York, and praying 
that the western bank of Connecticut river might be 
established as the eastern boundary of that province. 



126 ETHAN ALLEN AND GiiEEN-MOUNTAllS' HEROES. 

The application from New York was referred to the 
boaixl of trade, and upon their recommendation, sec- 
onded by a report of a committee of the privy-council, 
an order was made by the king, (July 20, 1764,) de- 
claring "the western banks of Connecticut river, from 
where it enters the province of Massachusetts Bay, 
as far north as the forty-fifth degree of latitude, to le 
the boundary-line between the two provinces of New 
York and New Hampshire." 

This decree, like many other judicial determinations, 
while it closed one controversy, opened another. The 
jurisdiction of the governor of New Hampshire, and 
his authority to grant lands, were circumscribed on 
the west by Connecticut river ; but the grantees of 
the soil found themselves involved in a dispute with 
the government of New York. From the words " to 
J^," in the royal declaration, adverse conclusions were 
drawn. The government assumed that they referred 
to time past, and construed them into a declaration 
that the Connecticut alwavs had formed the eastern 
boundary of New York; consequently, that all the 
grants made by Mr.Wentworth were illegal, and that 
the lands mif^ht be granted ao^ain. The 2:rantees un- 
derstood the words as simply designed to affect the 
future, and not to annul the validity of past transac- 
tions. They regarded it as merely extending the ju- 
risdiction of New York, from that period, over their 
territory. But they had no apprehension that it could 
in any way affect the title to their lands. Having 
purchased and paid for those lands, under grants 
from the crown, they did not understand by what 
perversion of justice they could be compelled, by the 



EXCITEMENT AMONG THE PEOPLE. 127 

BZ.me authority, to repurchase or abandon them. To 
the change of jurisdiction they were wilh'ng to sub- 
mit, although, at first, the governor of JS'ew Hamp- 
shire remonstrated against it. However, he was at 
length induced to abandon the contest, and issued a 
proclamation "recommending to the proprietors and 
settlers due obedience to the authority and laws of 
the colony of JSTew York." In this state of things, 
the government of New York proceeded to extend 
its jurisdiction over the New-Hampshire grants, di- 
viding the territory into four counties, and establish- 
ing courts of justice in each." The settlers were called 
on to surrender their charters, and repurchase their 
lands under grants from New York. Most of them 
peremptorily refused to comply with this order. New 
grants of their lands were, therefore, made to others ; 
in whose names actions of ejectment were commenced, 
and judgments obtained, in the courts at Albany." 
The attempts to execute these judgments, by dispos- 
sessing the settlers, met with a determined and ob- 
stinate resistance. For the purpose of rendering this 
resistance more effectual, various associations were 
formed ; and at length, a convention of representatives 
fre m the several towns on the west side of the moun- 
tains was called. This convention, after mature de- 
liberation, appointed Samuel Robinson, of Bennington, 
an agent, to represent to the court of Great Britain 
the grievances of the settlers, and obtain, if practi- 
cable, a confirmation of the New-Hampshire grants. 
Mr. Rocinson proceeded to London, and laid the o 
sub'ect before his Majesty. 

By this means he obtained an order from the king, 



128 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROEH. 

(July 24, 1767,) as follows : " His Majesty, taking th<» 
said report [a report of the board of trade] into con 
sideration, was pleased, with the advice of his private 
council, to approve thereof, and doth hereby strictly 
charge, require and comroand, that the Governor or 
Commander in Chief of his Majesty's Province :>f 
^ew York, for the time being, do not, upon pain 
of his Majesty's highest displeasure, presume to make 
any grant whatsoever, of any part of the lands de- 
scribed in the said report, until his Majesty's further 
pleasure shall be known, concerning the same." 

^Notwithstanding this explicit prohibition, the gov- 
ernor of Kew York continued to make grants ; and 
writs of ejectment continued to be issued, returnable 
to the supreme court at Albany. On trial of these 
actions, it was decided that duly authenticated copies 
of the royal orders to th* governor of ^N'ew Hamp- 
shire, and of the grants made in pursuance of those 
orders, should not be read in evidence. Thus, com- 
pelled to abandon a legal defense, the settlers were 
driven to the last resort. A convention of the people 
assembled at Bennington, and "resolved, to support 
their rights and property under the New-llampshire 
grants, against the usurpation and unjust claims of 
the governor and council of JSTew York, by force, as 
law and justice were denied them." 

Conspicuous among thosp who were, by their re 
sistance to New York, laying the foundation upon 
which the independent state of Vermont has been 
reared — indeed the leader and champion of that reso 
lute band of husbandmen who first planted themselvep 
in the wilderness of the Green Mountains — wa? 



THE ALLEN FAMILY. 129 

Ethan Allen.. Joseph Allen, the father of Ethan, 
was a native of Cov^entry, Connecticut; but afterward, 
on his marriage to Mary Baker, removed to Litchfield, 
where Ethan was born, January 10, 1737. The father 
of Etiian Allen was a sober, industrious farmer, of 
good character, and in moderate circumstances. Af- 
ter the birth of Ethan, his parents removed to Corn- 
wall, where other children were born, making, in all, 
six sons and two daughters : Ethan, Ileman, Lydia, 
Heber, Levi, Lucy, Zimri and Ira. All the brothers 
grew up to manhood, and four or five of them emi- 
grated to the territory west of the Green Mountains, 
among the first settlers, and were prominent mem- 
bers of the social and political compacts into which 
the inhabitants gradually formed themselves. Bold, 
active and enterprising, they espoused with zeal and 
defended with energy, the cause of the settlers against 
what were deemed the encroaching schemes of their 
neighbors, and, with a keen interest, sustained their 
share in all the border contests. Nothing is known 
of the early life of Ethan Allen, previous to his re- 
moval to Bennington, Vermont. This was about the 
year 1772, although, being interested in a considera- 
ble portion of the New-Hampshire grants, he had 
spent much of his time in exploring the lands in the 
vicinity of the Green Mountains, for the purpose of 
locating townships, and had taken an active part in 
the controversy with New York for three or four of 
the previous years. Next to Ethan, Ira, the youngest, 
was the most energetic of the brothers, and entered 
into the land speculation with more zeal than the 
others. While thus engaged, he kept a journal of liia 



130 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOIJNTAIN HEE0E8. 

proceedings, and a few extracts frora^ it cannot be 
uninteresting ; for they depict, in a lively manner, the 
nature of the transactions in which he was engaged, 
and are illustrative of his character. His foresight 
ill the choice of the location where the beautiful and 
flourishing town of Burlington has grown up, will per- 
haps excite quite as much admiration as the shrewd- 
ness he displayed in disposing of worthless lands.* 

1772. " My next object was to make a map of the town- 
ship of MansHeld with the allotments and survey-bills 
thereof, agreeable to the bond, &c., I had given the Pro- 
prietors of said town the preceding summer. I soon 
completed the map, but turning my attention to the 
field-books that Captain Kemember Baker and 1 had 
kept, a diliiculty arose in my mind, for my object was 
to sell out of Mansfield at all events, and if possible, to 
get the ninety pounds for the survey, &c. A great pro- 
portion of the corners of said lots were made on Spruce 
or Fir timber, and if I described them as such, it would 
show the poorness of the town, and raise many questions 
I wished to avoid. 1 made use of a stratagem that an- 
swered my purpose. In my survey-bills I called Spruce 
and Fir, Greenwood, a name not known by tlie people 
of Sharon, (the place where the Proprietors lived.) 
They asked what kind of timber Greenwood was. I 
told*^ them full, straight trees, that had a 2:um much 
like the gum on Cherrj-trees, &c. While the Proprie- 
tors were busy in inspecting the map, survey-bills, &c., 
I took aside the Brother of one of the principal Pro- 
prietors, who was an ignorant fellow, and owned two 
rights of land in the town. I tried to buy his rights, 
but he dare not sell them without first consulting his 
Brother. By this the Proprietors all got the alarm 
that I wished to purchase, and Land in Mansfield was 



i * The original manuscnpt of Ira Allen's journal is in the possession 
(of Henry Stephens. Esq., of Barnet, Vermont, the distinguished atiti 

quary of that state. The extracts are given verbatim, and are now, f(M 

the first time, placed before the public 



THE ALLENS IN NEW YORK. 131 

considered of consequence. I was nro^ed to sell back to 
the Proprietors the twenty rights 1 had bought, which 
I did, and obtained the ninety pounds for the survey, 
&c., which I considered of more consequence than the 
whole town. Having closed this business satisfactory 
to myself, I returned to my Brothers, and had a hearty 
laugh with the Brothers Heman and Zimry, on inform- 
ing them respecting the Greenwood, &c. 

1772. "Some lands were owned by Edward Burling 
and others at the White Plains, twenty-one miles from 
Kew York which we wanted. Col. Ethan Allen, Capt. 
Remember Baker and myself armed with hatchets and 
pistols, a good case of pistols each in our pockets, with 
each a good hanger set out to purchase the aforesaid 
and other lands in the colony of New York. We trav- 
eled under the character of British officers, going from 
Canada to New York to embark for London, and made 
no small parade. My brother Heman being then in a 
mercantile line, set out for New York, but was seldom 
in company with us as he was too much known on that 
road. We put up at a tavern near Mr. Burling's, hav- 
ing p«'eviously concerted measures with Ileman to ac- 
quaint Mr. Burling of our intentions and the reason of 
our traveling in that manner, the time we should call 
on him <fec. We proceeded according, bought great 
part of Mr. Burling's lands and bought of others, spent 
three days there without the suspicion who we were. 
The evening before we left there after closing our busi- 
ness, Ileman came & putting up at the same house, as 
it was necessary to be together as we should part next 
morning, for Ileman was to make purchases in New 
York (Zimry was also occasionally to purchase Lands) 
it was with much difficulty Heman could get introduced 
to our company that evening by the diffidence of the 
Landlord, and after questions of the supposed British 
Officers, questioning tlie character of the Connecticut 
merchant &c. But Heman got leave by bringing in 
his hand a liberal Bowl to be introduced. It was with 
difficulty we could all keep our countenances till the 
Landlord retired, which was very soon. It was curi- 
ous to see the astonishment of the Landlord the next 



132 ETHAif al:.en and green -mountain heko?:s. 

morning, when we called in our bill all together, and 
declared who we were, informing a Pedler who was 
present, going direct to New York, that bounties were 
offered for us, giving our naipes &c. We saw the Ped- 
ler set out at full speed to New York to raise a party 
against us, as he supposed we were going to continue 
speculating in lands, depending on our own arms for 
defence. On his arrival in New York he went to the 
Governor and Council, and gave his deposition of our 
being purchasing Lands &c. at the White Plains. At 
first it was proposed to send a party of light horse 
men after us, and preparations were made for that 
purpose ; but James Duane, Esq. observed that we 
were daring fellows and no doubt well mounted, and 
had gone directly out of the colony in hopes of being 
pursued to laugh at our pursuers, that it was in vain 
to pursue Green Mountain Boys on their guard &c. 
Mr. Duane was perfectly right, for within two hours 
after the express arrived in New York we were in the 
colony of Connecticut, in hopes of being pursued, to 
gain a greater opportunity to satarize our adversaries. 
1773. "I went and pitched a number of hundred-acre 
lots contiguous to Burlington Bay. The land in itself 
was great part poor-looking Pine plains. This move 
of mine, astonished my friends, who had observed me 
to be very enterprising in pitching good lands, and that 
much good land remained untouched in Burlington ; 
and I gave no reasons for my conduct, which raised 
many questions and disputes ; indeed I did not but in 
part explain myself to my worthy friend and partner, 
Baker ; for I found he had but little opinion of that 
place, but looked for good lands, more than situations ; 
observing that good lands would certainly be of conse- 
quence, but it was hard to determine where places of 
consequence would arise in a country so extensive and 
new, that after securing the best of the lands by pitches, 
we might in consequence of settlements, &c., be [a few 
lines illegible in the original manuscript] of situations, 
and pitch or purchase any lands we might think of con 
sequence. These remarks were of much good sense, but 
Baker had not explored the country so much as I liud 



LEA Allen's journal. 133 

and I bad settled mj opinion from which I was deter- 
mined not to depart, nor give anj further reasons. Fre- 
quent satires passed on me respecting Burlington Pine 
Plains. One rainy day Stephen Lawrence, Josliua Stan- 
ton and others had been fishing at the Falls, the rain 
proving too hard came into the fort where Baker kept 
spirits (kc. for sale & over a bowl of PiAich began severely 
to bulragg me for pitching Burlington pitch pine plains 
(by knic name I was called Stub) they carried the joke 
60 far as to call Stub a fool for pitching such lands 
that he could not give any good reason for it. Stub as 
cheerfully answered to that name as to any other, re- 
solved to take them a little in and give no satisfactory 
reasons neither, observed that he was surprised that 
they could not see use for such lands considering its 
situation &c., that for a double bowl of punch he would 
give his reasons. This they agreed to give, but Stub 
would have the punch in and take a good drink before 
he began to give his reasons. This was done with so 
much apparent candor that the company complied, the 
punch was brought in and Stub took the first drink and 
passed it round. All attention was then paid for Stub 
to give his reasons for pitching Burlington Pine Plains. 
When Stub putting on a serious countenance began. 
That the life of man was by sacred writ estimated at 
three score years and ten, that although some survived 
that period of life, yet many fell short and none could 
tell the time of their dissolution, that dry Pine plain 
was easy digging and good burying ground, and if as 
suggested by some, the spirits of the deceased conversed 
with each other and viewed the conduct of posterity 
it would be convenient passing from Tomb to Tomb 
through that light dry earth and to see from the high 
sand bank the multitude carry on commerce in Bur- 
lington Bay &c. This serious satire and having first 
got a double bowl of punch, induced Stub's neighbors 
t) say very little more to him about Burlington Pine 
l.*lains for considerable time." "^ 

• The following amusing narrative of Ira Allen's adventure with a 
{host, as told by him in th«i autobiography from which the above extracts 



134 ETHAN AtLEN ANT GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEK0E8. 

Seth Warner was second only to Ethan Allen in 
that energetic resistance to the claims of Governor 
Trjon, which ultimately led to the independence of 
Vermont. He was born in Woodbury, Connecticut, 

are taken will doubtless be interesting, as illustrative of the charac- 
ter of the Aliens : " Mr. and Mra Mclntiie were from Scotland, and 
had two daughters about twenty-four years of age. The old lady and 
her daughters used to amuse me by telling many frightful stories respect- 
ing ghosts, apparitions, <fec,, appearing to people in Scotland, <fec., amongst 
which was many stories respecting an old woman appearing without a 
head. One evening I challenged the old woman without a head, and all 
the ghosts, <tc., to meet me at any time and place they chose. This ex- 
ceedingly alarmed my honest landlady and daughters, and they all seemed 
exceeding anxious for my safety for being so presumptuous as to make 
such a challenge, and not doubting but that I should meet with difficulty 
the first time belated and in the woods in the evening. The next day 1 
found a part of the hogs that had been strayed away and become wild, 
with all the art I had, could not get them so gentle as to come to them till 
near dark, at which time I was at least three miles in the wilderness. 
There was then a snow on the ground about four inches deep. I made 
the best of my way to gain a foot-path from Mr. Mclntire's to a beaver 
meadow. In the way I passed a thicket of Hemlock, <fec., under which 
it was dark. I cut a staff about three feet long to defend my eyes <fec. 
from limbs that might come in my face. In this way I found the foot 
path, in which several loads of hay had been carried from the meadow 
to the house which had mixed leaves, snow, &c,., so that I could discovei 
the foot path for twenty rods before me. At this time for the first time 
that night 1 thought of the old woman without any head at which I had 
a hearty laugh to think whether I should turn out if she met me in that 
narrow path. I thought no more of the matter till I had walked about 
one mile, when to ray no small surprise at about eight rods distance, I 
discovered the perfect appearance of a woman in the path without any 
head ; her shoulders, waist, arms akimbo, her hands on her hips, women's 
clothes <fe feet below were in perfect shape before me which I viewed 
with astonishment. 

I reasoned tx) myself is this appearance fictitious or real. If the God 

' of Nature aulliorises sucl apperalions then there is no flying from them. 

What injury can they possibly do me? I had been promised laithfully 



BETH WARNER. 135 

in 1743. His father, Dr. Benjamin "Warner, removed 
to Bennington in 17G3, only one year after the first 
settlement was made in that town. Although quite 
young, Seth at once took a prominent part in the vari- 
ous controversies and struggles which were incident to 
the early settlement of a new state. lie was "distin- 
guished in his youth, as he was afterward in his man- 
hood, for the solidity and extent of his understanding. 
With no other scholastic advantages than such as a 
common school education afforded, yet those advan- 
tages were employed to the best possible purpose ; 
and, at his majority, he was possessed of a fund of 
knowledge, which was as serviceable as if it had been 
obtained in the classic walks of Harvard, or under the 
elms of Yale. 

Coming to the state of Vermont, as Seth "Warner 
did, while the soil was yet but poorly tilled, while the 

not to flinch at any such appearance I will see it out : on this determi- 
nation, kicked the snow away that I might know where I made the dis- 
covery, and advanced with my cane in my hand for a blow as soon as I 
arrived near enouj^h. With trembling approaches I came within about 
thirty yards, before I discovered the cause of such an appearance. The 
facts were that a tree had been broken by the wind leaving a stump, 
which the woodcocks had pecked the bark off in that shape so long that 
the wood had become whitish and the bark of the other part fallen off. 
The darkness of the night prevented me from seeing the darker colour, 
while the reflection of snow shone the other part of the stumps forming 
ihe size and figure of a woman without a head. Had it been a little 
lighter the whole stump would have been seen, or a little darker and no 
part could have been seen. To satisfy myself, I went back to where 
I kicked away the snow, and the old woman again appeared in per- 
fect shape. I occasionally passed that place frequently after, but not 
at a time when such an opportunity could be discovered. Had I been 
frightened and ran away, I might like others have believed in such 
appeal ances." 



136 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

forests were uncleared, while no school-honse or church 
had been erected, there was, it would seem, but little 
to encourage the mind of that Connecticut boy to 
become a resident among the Green Mountains. But 
the rivers, lakes and ponds were filled with large 
quantities of excellent fish. The forests abounded 
with every variety of game, and in the dells and on 
the hills could be seen flowers of rare excellence and 
beauty. "Solomon in all .his glory was not arrayed 
like one of these." Young Warner was a skillful 
botanist. He sought, partly from necessity but chiefly 
from choice, to render himself familiar with such 
plants and roots as were indigenous to Vermont. We 
are assured that no man acquired more information 
touching the nature and properties of such natural 
productions than he. With such invaluable knowledge, 
he was exceedingly useful in new settlements, where he 
could administer relief when medical assistance could 
not easily be obtained. 

Young Warner was a huntsman, too. The ready 
pen of that romance-writer who cordially sympathizes 
with every effort to learn the character of the early 
settlers of this state, represents him, under the character 
of "Colonel Warrington," as a successful lover of the 
pleasures of the chase. Traveling back eighty years, 
if we wish to see him as he was, we find him an 
inhabitant of one of the rude cabins that were thinly 
scattered through the wilderness. We observe him 
felling the forest, or tilling the soil which had never 
been touched by any hand before. There will be found 
around his cabin, unbroken silence, save when the 
stroke of his ax awakens the echo, or the howl of the 



BETH WARNER. 137 

wolf disturbs the dull ear of midniorht. In the midst 
of all his labors, as well as his pastime, he is compelled 
to be ready with the loaded musket to repel the lurk- 
ing savage. " You see a man of a very fine and 
even majestic appearance. Though tall and muscular 
so compactly and finely set are his limbs, that his 
contour presents nothing to the eye in the least dis- 
proportioned or ungainly. His features seem to cor- 
respond in regularity of formation to the rest of his 
person, while his countenance is rather of the cool and 
deliberate cast, indicative, however, of a mild, benevo- 
lent disposition, as w^ell as a sound and reflecting in- 
tellect. Every development, indeed, whether of hia 
shapely head or manly countenance, goes to show a 
strong, well-balanced character, and one capable of 
action beyond the scope of ordinary men."* 

It is said by contemporaries who have seen him at 
the head of his brave " Green-Mountain Regiment," 
armed and equipped for duty, that no man could 
bestride a horse with more grace and dignity than he. 
With a broad and intellectual forehead, relieved by 
a profusion of nut-brown hair, and with sparkling blue 
eyes beaming forth under eye-brows most beautifully 
arched, his physiognomy gave unmistakable signs of 
an intelligent, courageous and energetic man. 

Such was the skillful huntsman and the practical 
botanist, before the blast of war blew in the ears of the 
early settlers of the New-Hampshire grants. Contin- 
uing to use his quick eye-sight and steady arm in 
hunting after game in the forests, and indulging his 
scientific taste in the dells and dinMes where medicau 

• See tLe " Green Mountain Boys," by Daniel P. Thompson, Esq. 



138 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

plants were most abundant, he became widely known 
as one npon whose usefulness and humanity reliance 
could be reposed. And thus was laid the basis of that 
reputation which, in after times, rendered him so in- 
fluential and powerful for good when " the slings and 
arrows of outrageous Fortune " were hurtled at those , 
who, like himself, had pitched their tents among the 
green hills of Vermont. 

Captain Rkmoiber Baker, who was early associated 
with Allen and Warner, was, like the latter, a native 
of Woodbury, Connecticut. He was born about the 
year 1740. In his youth he was deprived of his father, 
who was accidentally shot by a neighbor, while on a 
hunting excursion. Yoimg Baker, being thus left an 
orphan, was sent to live with, and learn the trade of a 
joiner, by whom he was taught to read and write, and 
was made acquainted with figures. In the year 1757, 
he enlisted as a soldier in an expedition against Can- 
ada. He also served in the ensuing campaign as a 
non-commissioned otiicer, and gained nmch applause 
for his intrepidity. He was also at the storming of the 
French lines when Abercrombie was defeated before 
Ticonderoga, and his bravery in that fatal action, as 
well as his discretion on the retreat of the colonial 
forces, eave him considerable distinction. He contin- 
ued .a third year in the service, but returned to Con- 
Lecticut after the conquest of Canada. In the year 
1763, he removed to the New-Hampshire Grants, as 
the .country which afterward received the name of 
Vermont was then called, where he spent considerable 
time in exploring the wild lands, and in hunting the 
game with which the Green Mountains then abounded. 



BENNINGTON. 139 

He finally reir.oved with his family to Arlington, where 
he built the lirat mills that were erected uurth of Ben- 
nington. This afforded great encouragement to the 
settlers, and the population in the vicinity of Arlington 
increased with much rapidity. 

The charter of Bennington, although dated January 
3d, 174:9, was not actually issued until March, 1750. 
The survey, however, was made in 1749 — and it was 
no doubt designed that the actual occupancy of the 
territory would, as in the case of Connecticut and 
Massachusetts, result in settling whatever controversy 
might arise, respecting jurisdiction, in favor of New 
Hampshire. The charter of the town had been granted 
in sixty -four equal shares, or "rights," as they were 
called, of three hundred and sixty acres each. The 
grantees resided principally, if not wholly, at Ports- 
mouth, New Hampshire. But none of them, it is 
believed, ever removed to the town. The first settlers 
were purchasers under the original proprietors, and 
were from Massachusetts. Samuel Robinson, of Hard- 
wich, who had been for several years a captain in the 
French war, on his return from Lake Geoi'ge to Fort 
Massachusetts, while proceeding up Hoosic river, mis- 
took the Walloomscoik* for that stream, and followed 
it up to the tract of country which had been granted 
under the name of Bennington. There he discovered 
that he had missed his way, and directed his course to 
the fort. He was much pleased with the country, and 
returned to his family with a determination to begin a 
settlement upon it. He accordingly repaired to New 

* See Thompson's Gazetteer of Veimout — an iuvaluable woik to al] 
Termontera 



140 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HERCE8. 

Hampshire, made purchases of a considerable portion 
of the "rights," and then sought for persons who would 
undertake to occupy the lands. These were readily 
found, and the settlement of the town was coiumenced 
in the spring of 1761. The first emigrants were Har- 
woods, Robinsons and Pratts, and, with their families, 
consisted of about twenty persons. They traveled on 
horseback, and in that way transported all their house- 
hold effects, of which, it may be imagined, there was 
no considerable variety or quantity. They reached 
the town on the 18th of June. Benjamin Harwood, 
(who was still living a few years ago,) was the first 
person born in the town, (January 12th, 1762.) In the 
fall of 1761, inany other families settled in Bennington, 
and the place rapidly grew in importance. Among 
the first cares of the people, after the.erection of suita- 
ble habitations, was the establishment of a church and 
a school. The first meeting of the proprietors, of 
which a record has been kept, was held February 12tb, 
1762. A committee was then appointed "to look out - 
a place for a meeting-house ; " and soon after a site 
was agreed upon, and a church was immediately con- 
structed, whioh was paid for, partly by individual con- 
tributions, and partly by a tax on the proprietors of 
the town. Upon the organization of the church, the 
"Cambridge platform" was adopted, except such parts 
as admitted, according to the New-England fashion of 
that day, the aid of the civil magistrates in enforcing 
the support of the ministry, and their coercive power 
over the church in other matters. They denominated 
themselves " Congregationalists," but being in advance 
of the great majority of their brethren of that period 



THE PIONEERS OF VERMONT. 14.1 

in the liberality of their views of religious freedom, 
were for some time called "Separatists." In the fall of 
1763, the Kev. Jedediah Dewey, of Westfield, Massa- 
chusetts, became pastor of the church, and in addition 
to the encouragement he obtained from voluntary con- 
tributions, he received from the proprietors of the town 
a donation of three hundred and sixty acres of land, 
eligibly situated, which was called "the minister's 
right." Mr. Dewey continued to reside with the con- 
gregation at Bennington until his death, in 1778. In 
1763, the proprietors voted a tax for building a school- 
house, and sixty dollars were contributed toward sup- 
porting a school "to be kept in these parts of the 
town." 

The early settlers suffered great inconvenience for 
the want of roads, bridges and mills. To overcome 
these difficulties, the inhabitants taxed themselves lib- 
erally — opened roads in various directions, and con- 
structed bridges where necessary. For the erection of 
each saw and flouring mill, a bounty of forty dollars 
was paid by the proprietors. Meantime, among the 
inhabitants of the New-England colonies, a market had 
been found for the lands granted by Governor Went- 
worth, and settlers were flocking over the mountains 
from various quarters. The easy terms upon which 
the townships had been patented, enabled the original 
purchasers to disspose of shares and single farms at 
very low prices, thus holding out strong allurements to 
settlers. Apprehensions as to the validity of their 
title, may also have induced the first proprietors to 
prefer a quick sale with small profits, to the uncertain 
prospect of larger gains at a future day. By this 



142 ETHAK ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

union of policy and interest, the lands were rapi<lly 
Bold, in tracts of various dimensions, to practical farm- 
ers, who resolved to establish themselves as permanent 
residents on the soil. Many settlements were begun, 
and when, after enduring almost incalculable hardships 
and the severest toil, they began to realize the blessings 
for fv'hich they had labored so indefatigably, the alarm- 
ing intelligence reached them, that they must repur- 
chase their lands from the government of New York, 
at exorbitant prices, or be expelled from their homes 
and deprived of their possessions. To pay a second 
time for their lands at their original value, would have 
been regarded as grossly unjust ; but to be required to 
purchase the improvements which they had made in 
effort and self-denial, was a demand which they felt 
that they could meet only with armed resistance. 

In regard to the jurisdiction of the government of 
New York, which had been established by order of 
the crown in July, 1764, as heretofore stated, they were 
not disposed to have any serious controversy. They 
were, indeed, familiar with the laws and institutions of 
New Hampshire, and preferred them to those of New 
Y^ork. New Hampshire, as well as the other New- 
England provinces, recognized the townships as little 
republics, in which the people, at annual town-meetings 
appointed their own legal officers, and, in conformity 
with established laws, made their own municipal regu- 
lations. In New York, most of these matters were 
then either subjects of direct provincial legislation, or 
came under the still more anti republican superintend- 
ence of the governor and council, or of the judges of 
the courts, who were the creatures of their appointment. 



GOVERNOR TRTON. 143 

The people contemplated with regret the withdrawal 
of power from themselves which early education had 
made dear to them, and long experience had proved to 
be convenient and just. Besides, the division of New 
York inty^ge tracts of territory termed manors, of 
which indi^uals denominated landlords or patroons, 
were the owners, and all who cultivated the soil were 
their tenants, subject to the payment of quit-rents, alien- 
ation fees, and other acknowledgments of dependence 
and subjugation, accorded ill with their New-England 
notions of personal equality and independent owner- 
ship of the soil. But notwithstanding this strong pref- 
erence to the government of. New Hampshire, the 
jurisdiction of New York, had jurisdiction been the 
sole aim of Governor Tryon, would have been quietly 
acquiesced in. 

But the governor of New York had other objects in 
view, than that of simply extending the powers of his 
government over the people inhabiting the "New- 
Hampshire Grants." Those grants contained a large 
quantity of fertile lands, much of which had been 
made highly valuable by the improvements of the 
settlers; and tlie temptation to derive a pecuniary 
profit from them was too strong to be resisted.* He 
therefore called on the settlers, by proclamation, to 
surrender their grants and repurchase their lands from 
him. A few of the towns near Connecticut river com- 
plied ; but most of them, including all those west of 
the Green Mountains, refused. Upon this refusal, 

* The fees to the governor of New Hampshire, for granting a town- 
ship, were about one hundred dollars; under the government of New 
York they usually amounted to between two and three thousand dollara. 



14:4: LTUAN ALLEN AND G K El'; :n -MOUNTAIN UKitOEls. 

Governor Try on made new grants of the town to 
others : principally to his friends and dependents, 
including some belonging to his council, and also 
judges of the courts, members of the bar, and of 
the colonial assembly. The limitation o^^fse grants 
to a favored class who were connected wich the gov- 
ernment, will account for the pertinacity with which 
the New- York claims were afterward prosecuted by 
the rulers of the province, as w^ell as the apathy with 
which their successive efforts to eject the original 
settlers were seconded by the people at large. 

The New- York purchasers caused their lands to be 
surveyed preparatory to making sales or leases of 
them. This proceeding was quite unacceptable to the 
actual occupants of the land, and whenever the sur- 
veyors were discovered, they were roughly driven 
from their employment. One of the surveyors, in at- 
tempting to run a line. across the farm of Samuel 
Robinson, of Bennington, was attacked by him with 
a hoe and driven off. For this, Robinson was ap- 
prehended ; but after being confined for two months 
in the jail at Albany, was released, on the payment 
of a fine. Others who resisted were indicted, but 
the sheriff of Albany county, (which then extended 
to the Connecticut river,) was generally unsuccessful 
in his attempts to arrest them. The people were 
alarmed by these and other demonstrations by the 
governor of New York, but having a strong reliance 
upon the justice of their cause, and being confident 
that the crown had been deceived in regard to the 
subject, or that a wrong construction had been placed 
upon the order of the king, prepared a remonstrance 



APPEAL TO THE KINQ. 14:5 

Against the proceedings of New York, and in the faU 
of 1766, at a convention of the several towns on the 
west side of the Green Mountains, appointed Samuel 
Robinson as their agent to present the remonstrance, 
and to a(i|€^ate their application for relief, by his 
personal solicitations. They could not conceive that 
a parental government, in which character they were 
disposed to view that of the mother country, could 
possibly desire to deprive them of their hard-earned 
property, for the benelit of a few land-speculators. 
By some of the towns, their share of the expense of 
the embassy was levied in the form of a tax upon 
the proprietors ; while in others, resort was had to in- 
dividual subscriptions. An order from the king was 
obtained, as heretofore stated, forbidding the issue of 
further grants by the governor of "New York ; but 
before the purpose of his mission had been fully ac- 
complished, Mr. Robinson was seized with the small- 
pox, and died. 

The progress of Governor Tryon, in his eiforts to 
obtain possession of the disputed lands, underwent 
some interruption from the order of the king in re- 
gard to making grants. It was, however, soon dis- 
covered, that the order did not, technically, prohibit 
his taking possession of lands which he had already 
granted, but only forbade the issue of new grants. In 
October, 1769, the governor's council advised him 
that the king's order "did not extend to prevent the 
governor from the granting of any lands which had 
not previously been granted by ]S"ew Hampshire." 
He therefore proceeded to issue new patents, and in 

eflect w^holly neglected the king's oixier, and continued 

7 



146 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTAIN UEKOES. 

giving lands to his friends, without regard to their 
liuviiig been previously granted by Kew. Hampshire. 
Tiius, the mission of Mr. Kubinson to England, although 
attended with apparent success, had r^o other effect 
upon the New-York government, than tj^ impose a 
tem])orary check upon its operations, ffowever, it 
inspired the settlers with new coniidence in the jus- 
tice of their cause, and gave them sti'ong reasons to 
hope that their rights would eventually be acknowl- 
edged and protected by the ''home government," which 
was then recognized as the supreme authority that 
would finally decide the question. 

In 1769, the eftorts of the New- York claimants to 
obtain possession of the disputed lands, were again 
commenced with great vigor. In October of that 
year, a number of the inhabitants of Bennington were 
assembled on the farm of James Brackenridge, in the 
western part of the town, for the purpose of assisting 
him in harvesting his corn. While they were thus 
employed, a number of surveyors came upon the farm, 
and appeared to be running a line across it. Mr. 
Brackenridge, and Mr. Samuel Eobinson left their 
work, and entered into conversation with them. The 
surveyors declared that they were acting under the 
autiiority of the state of Kew York, for the purpose of 
dividing among the proprietors the patent of Wallum- 
Bchaik."*^ Brackenridge and Robinson forbade their 
proceeding further, stating, at the same time, that it 

• It was asserted that, about ten years previous to the grant of the 
township of Bennington by Governor Wentworth, a Dutchman, named 
Wallum, liad obtained from the governor of New York, a grant, cov- 
ftiinij nearly all of the same territory, although he took no measures 



INDICTMENTS. 147 

wa8 not their intention to use violence, but merely 
to protest against the proceeding, for the purpose of 
preserving their legal rights. Much conversation took 
place, and finally the party desisted from their sur- 
vey, and retired. Upon this, Abraham Ten Brook, 
one of the proprietors of the patent, petitioned the 
governor and conncil of ^ew York on the subject; 
stating, that the commissioners and surveyors for di- 
vidiiior the patent of Wallumschaik, had been "vio- 
lently opposed by sundry persons, and prevented by 
their threats from executing the trusts reposed in 
them." Upon which a proclamation was issued by 
the governor "for apprehending and securing the 
principals and ringleaders;" and at the following 
January term of the court at Albany, several per- 
sons who had been present were indicted as rioters. 
Among them was the Rev. Jedediah Dewey, Joseph 
Robinson, Elijah Fay, Thomas Henderson, Ebenezer 
Robinson, and John Stewart. It^one of them, how- 
ever, were arrested or brought to trial. Other at- 
tempts, of a similar character, were attended with 
the same results, and actions of ejectment w^ere 
brought by the Kew-York grantees against the set- 
tlers. Affairs were approaching a crisis. Upon the 
actions of ejectment depended the title to the lands, 
BO far as the courts of Kew York could determine 
the question. Although the people had but little con- 
fidence in these tribunals, they resolved to appear and 

to occupy it The grant was called Wallumschaik — the termination 
"chaik " meaning scrip or patent. This gave name to the stream pass- 
ing through it ; the orthography of which, in accordance with the 
pronunciation, was changed to Walloomscoik. 



14:8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN UEEOES. 

make the best defense in their power. The manage- 
ment of the business was intrusted to Ethan Allen. 
Bold, enterprising, ambitious, and having extreme 
confidence in his powers, both of body and mind, 
he entered zealously upon his task. His aid was 
rendered the more valuable, by reason of his exten- 
sive acquaintance in Kew England and Kew York. 
Although laboring under the disadvantages of a de- 
fective early education, he possessed considerable gen- 
eral information, anu he could write a letter or au 
argument in strong and intelligible, if not accurate 
and polished language; and he could address a mul- 
titude, and, when occasion required, a court, with skill 
and effect. Upon his selection as an agent to defend 
the suits brought against the settlers, he went to ISTew 
Hampshire, and obtained copies of Governor "VYent- 
worth's commission and instructions from the kinor, 
under which he had acted in making the grants. 
He next proceeded to Connecticut, and engaged the 
services of Mr. Ingersoll, an eminent counselor of 
that time. In June, 1770, they appeared before the 
court in Albany. An action of ejectment against 
Josiah Carpenter, of Shaftsbury, came on for ti ial ; 
and the defendant's counsel offered in evidence the 
documents above mentioned, together with the char- 
ter of the township, and a deed of the land in ques- 
tion from the original proprietor to the defendant. 
This evidence was rejected by the court, on the 
ground that the New-Hampshire charters were illegal 
and void, and the jury were directed to find a ver- 
dict for the plaintiff. Two other actions were tried 
■with the same result. As all the cases were precisely 



THE TKIAL8 AT ALBANY. 149 

like these, their decision was regarded as a precedent 
for the residue, and no further attempts at a defense 
were made, in the various trials which ensued.^ The 
deftmdants and their friends did not, however, con- 
template that the matter would end at Albany. Af- 
ter Allen retired from the court, several gentlemen, 
interested in the New- York grants — one of whom 
was the king's attorney-general for the colony — called 
upon him, and urged him to go home and advise his 
friends to make the best terms they could with their 
new landlords ; intimating that their cause was now 
desperate, and reminding him of the proverb, that 
"might often prevails against right." Allen coolly re- 
plied: "The gods of the valleys are not the gods of the 

* In 1779, Allen published a •work, entitled, "A Vindication of the 
opposition of tlie Inhabitants of Vermont to the governor of New- 
York, and of their right to form into an independent state, humbly 
submitted to an impartial world, by Ethan Allen." From this work, 
tlie following characteristic account of these trials is taken : " In the 
year 1769, the claimants under the subsequent grants from New York, 
and not residing on the controverted premises, brought actions of 
ejectment in the supreme court held at Albany, against sundry actual 
settlers, who claimed the soil by virtue of prior grants from New 
Hampshire. But most, if not all tlie judges and attornies, particularly 
Messi-s. Duane and Kemp, which attended the court, were patentees 
under New York ; and some of tliem interested in the very patents 
on trial The plaintiffs appearing in great state and magnificence, 
which, together with their junto of land thieves, made a brilliant ap- 
pearance ; but the defendants appearing but in ordinary fashion, having 
been greatly fatigued by hard labor wrought on the disputed premises, 
and tlieir cash much exhausted, made a very disproportionate figuro 
at court. In fine, interest, conviction and grandeur, being all on one 
Rid<», easily tnrned the scale against the honest defendants, and judg- 
ments without meroy, in favor of the claimants under New York, wis 
given against them," <Stc. 



150 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MoUNTAIN HEROES. 

hills ; " and when asked by Kemp, the attorney-general, 
to explain his meaning, he replied : "If you will ac- 
company me to the hill of Bennington, the sense will 
1)3 made clear." 

The purpose of his mission being thus brought to 
a close, Mr. Allen returned and reported the partic- 
ulars to his constituents. The news spread from hab- 
itation to habitation, and created a sudden and loud 
murmur of discontent among the people. Seeing, as 
they thought, the door of justice shut against them, 
and having tried, in vain, all the peaceable lueans 
of securing their rights, they resolved to appeal to 
the last arbiter of disputes. Tlie inhabitants of Ben- 
nington immediately assembled, and came to a for- 
mal determination to defend their property by force, 
and to unite in resisting all encroachments upon the 
lands occupied by persons holding titles under the 
warrants granted by the governor of I^ew Hampshire. 
This was a bold step ; but it was promptly taken, 
and with a seeming determination to adhere to it, 
at any hazard, and without regard to consequences. 
Nor was this decision changed or weakened by a 
proposition on the part of the Kew-York patentees, 
made about this time, which allowed to each occu- 
pant a fee-simple of his farm, at the same price for 
which the unoccupied lands in his neighborhood were 
sold. The first purchasers still insisted tliat this was 
requiring them to pay twice for their lands ; and that, 
in any view, the proposal was not just, inasmuch jjs 
the value of the unoccupied lands depended mainly 
on the settlements which had been made in their vi- 
cinity, by the toil, and at the expense, of the original 



DETERMINATION OF THE MOfNTAINEERS. 151 

occupants. In short, the time for talking about char- 
ters, and boundaries, and courts of judicature, was 
past, and the mountaineers were now fully bent on con- 
ducting the controversy by a more summary process. 
Actions of ejectment continued to be brought before 
the Albany courts ; but the settlers, despairing of suc- 
cess, after the decision of the first cases, did not ap- 
pear in defense, nor give themselves any more trouble 
in the matter. Next came sheriffs and civil majris- 
trates to execute the writs of possession, and by due 
course of law to remove the occupants from the lands. 
At this crisis, the affair assumed a tangible shape. 
The mountaineers felt themselves at home on the soil 
which they had subdued by their own labor, and in 
the territory over which they had begun to exercise 
supreme dominion, by meeting in conventions and 
committees, and taking counsel of each other on pub- 
lic concerns. To drive one of them from his house, 
or deprive him of his hard-earned substance, was to 
threaten the whole* community with an issue, fatal 
alike to their dearest interests, and to the rights which 
every man deems as sacred as life itself. It was no 
wonder, therefore, that they should unite in a com- 
mon cause, which required their combined efibrts to 
maintain. But the results of the trials at Albany had 
given additional confidence to the New- York claim- 
ants, and they determined on renewed efibrts to ob- 
tain possession of the disputed lands. The proprietors 
of the Wallumschaik patent made another attempt 
to survey the township of Bennington ; but, as in. pre- 
vious instances, the endeavor was unsuccessful. The 
surveyors had not proceeded far, wlien they were met 



152 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

by a body of twenty or thirty of the settlers, who 
warned them to desist, in so decided a tone, that they 
abandoned the undertaking. This was in September, 
1770. Abraham Ten Brook, one of the proprietors 
of the patent, in behalf of himself and the other pro- 
prietors, petitioned the governor and council of JSTew 
York on the subject; stating "that the proclamation 
which the governor had issued on the 11th of Decem- 
ber, 1769, for apprehending rioters, had been attended 
with no eflect — that actions of ejectment had been 
tried at the last summer-assizes at Albany, against the 
settlers, and three different verdicts obtained against 
them, and that another defendant had made default — 
that these judgments had induced the petitioners to 
believe the commissioners might proceed unmolested ; 
but that they had been opposed by a riotous and 
tumultuous body, who armed themselves with clubs, 
and warned them to desist from their business ; 
threatening them with violence, &c. The petition 
also stated that the commissioners did not think it 
safe to proceed further, and prayed the governor and 
council for aid and relief in the premises." The pe- 
tition was taken into consideration, and in October, 
1770, the council advised the governor "to issue a 
proclamation for apprehending Simeon Hatheway, Mo- 
ses Scott, Jonathan Fisk, and Silas Robinson, prin- 
cipal authors and actors in said riot, and to insert 
in the proclamation, the declaration that the governor 
had orders from the king, to protect the New- York 
claimants with his whole power and authority." 

At this period, and for some time afterward, one of 
the most active and eflScient advocates and supporters 



LEGAL pkoceedi>;gs kenewed. 153 

of the ]N"ew-York government, was Jolin Munro, pro- 
prietor of a patent under that province, lying upon 
White creek and extending into the present town of 
Shaftsbruy. He held the office of justice of the peace 
for Albany county, and resided on his patent. He 
had a number of tenants and dependents about him, 
and by his boldness and energy of character, was very 
troublesome to the occupants of the New-IIamspliire 
grants. In obedience to the governor's proclamation, 
Henry Ten Eyck, sheriff of the county of Albany, in 
company with Munro and others, repaired to the house 
of Silas Robinson, in Bennington, early on the mornino- 
of the 29th of lN"ovember, and arrested him. By at- 
tacking him unexpectedly, and returning precipitately 
to Alban}^, they succeeded in committing him to the 
jail, before any attempt could be made by his neigh- 
bors to rescue him. The sheriff was much elated by 
his success, and wrote an account of it to the governor, 
who returned a highly complimentary letter, and di- 
rected him to keep the prisoner in custody until he 
should be released by due course of law. Eobinson was 
afterward indicted, but was finally released, on givino- 
bail for his appearance at court. Fourteen ethers were 
indicted with Robinson, but no attempt was made to 
arrest them. 

From the time judgments were rendered in the eject- 
ment suits at Albany, in the spring of 1771, various 
efforts were made by the sheriff to put the plaintiffs in 
possession of the premises which had been adjudged 
to them, but without success. Wherever he went, he 
was sure to be met by a party larger than that which 
accompanied him, and was told that any attempt to 



154: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

execute a writ of possession would certainly be resisted 
by force. These facts being reported tc the governor, 
he directed them to summon the militia of tiie county 
to his aid. This was accordingly done, and in J*uly, 
1771, an attempt was made to arrest James Bracken- 
ridge. The following account of this expedition is 
from Ira Allen's History of Vermont : "'^ 

''The sheriff of Albany county summoned the posse 
to aid him in serving a writ of possession upon James 
Brackenridge. Tlie sheriff was followed by seven hun- 
dred and fifty men well armed, and three hundred sot* 
tiers assembled to resist him. The settlers had full 
notice of his approach, and had completed their ar- 
rangements for defence. An officer with eighteen men 
was placed in the house — one hundred and twenty 
beiiind trees in a wood near a road through which the 
sheriff must march and would naturally halt his men. 
The other division was stationed beliind a ridge of 
land in a meadow, within gunshot of the house, and 
out of sight of the sheriff's men. Thus an ambuscade 
was formed to have a crossfire on tlie sheriff"'s men 
without endangering themselves, and to be ready 
against the she'ritf forced the door, which was to be 
known by hoisting a red flag above the top of the 
chimney. When the sheriff approached, all were si- 
lent : he and his men were completely within the 
ambuscade before they discovered their situation. Mr. 
Ten Eyck, the sheriff, went to tiie house and demanded 
►entrance as the sheriff of Albany county, and threat- 
ened on refusal to force the door. The answer was 
'Attempt it and you are dead men.' lie repeated his 
demand and threat without using any force, 6z received 
for a second answer hideous groans from within! At 
this time the two divisions exhibited their hats on the 
points of their guns, which appeared to be more nu- 
merous than they really were. The sheriff and his 

• This is a small work, published by Allen in London, m 1798. It is 
now rarely to be met with. 



DEFENSIVE MEASCKES. 155 

posse seeing their dangerous situation, and not being 
interested in the dispute, made a iiastj retreat, so that a 
musket was not fired on either side, whicli gave satis-. 
taction to and cemented the union of the inhabitants, & 
raised their consequence in the neighboring provinces." 
Although the New- York claimants had been foiled in 
their attempts to execute their writs of possession, they 
did not abandon their determination to substantiate 
their claims by other means. Finding that the militia 
of Albany county could not be relied upon to act 
effectually against the settlers, they sought to accom- 
plish their object by less direct means. The old prac- 
tice of indictment for riots was again resorted to ; 
favorable offers of titles under New York were made 
to prominent individuals residing on the grants ; ofiices 
were conferred on others ; and persons from New York 
were encouraged to make settlements on unoccupied 
lands which had been granted by New Hampshire. 
By these means it w^as hoped divisions would be created 
among the people, and the New- York interest so much 
strengthened as to secure its predominance. In order 
effectually to resist these movements of the New- York 
authorities, committees of safety were appointed by 
the several towns west of the Green Mountains, who 
met in convention, passed resolutions, and adopted 
regulations which had the potency of laws with their 
constituents. It was decreed, among other things, that 
no officer of New York should convey any person from 
the New-Hampshire Grants without permission of the 
committee of safety ; and that no surveys should be 
made, or settlements attempted by people from New 
York, upon any portion of the territory originally in 
dispute between New York and New Hampshire 1^ or 



156 ETHAJf ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 

a violation of this law, the offender was to be punished 
according to the judgment of the committees of safety, 
or "the ideas of the people." Nevertheless, the civil 
officers of JS'ew York were to be allowed the exercise 
of their proper functions in the collection of debts, and 
also in other matters not connected with the controversy 
in regard to lands. That a force might be ready to act 
in any emergency, a military association was formed, 
of which Ethan Allen was appointed commandant, 
with the title of colonel, and Seth Warner, Remember 
Baker, Robert Cockrane, Gideon "Warner, and some 
others were appointed captains. The men were arjiied, " 
and occasionally met for military exercise. John 
Munro, in a letter to Governor Try on, stated that "the 
rioters had established a company at Bennington, com- 
manded by Captain Warner — and that on New Year's 
day (1772) his company was reviewed and continued 
all day in military exercise and firing at marks." 

In pursuance of the policy heretofore mentioned, the 
grantees made attempts to establish settlements on the 
western borders of the grants. Whenever this was 
done, Ethan Allen, at the head of a detachment of the 
"Green-Mountain Boys," as the men under his com- 
mand were called, promptly met the intruders and 
drove them off. The New- York sheriffs continued to 
be pursued with unremitting eagerness, whenever they 
dared to set their feet on the forbidden ground. With 
these various affairs on his hands, it will readily be 
imagined that the commander of the Green-Mountain 
Boys was not idle ; nor was it surprising that he should 
attract the particular notice of the New- York govern- 
ment. So many complaints were made of the riotous 



Allen's pkoclamation. 157 

and disorderly proceedings of his volunteers and as- 
sociates ; such was the indignation of the Xew-York 
party on account of the harsh measures adopted by thera 
toward the persons whom they seized as trespassers 
upon their property ; and so entirely did they set at 
defiance the laws of New York, to which their oppo- 
nents accounted them amenable, that the governor 
was tempted to try the virtue of another proclamation, 
in which he branded the deed of dispossessing a New- 
York settler with the opprobrious name of felony, and 
offered a reward of twenty pounds to any person who 
would apprehend and secure Allen, or either of eight 
other persons connected with him, and mentioned by 
name. 

Whether this proclamation was thought too mild in 
its terms, or whether new outrages had added to the 
enormity of the offense, it is not easy to decide ; but 
another was promulgated, enlarging the bounty for 
Allen to one hundred and fifty pounds, and for Seth 
Warner and five others to fifty pounds each. Not to 
be outdone by the authority of New York in exercising 
the prerogatives of sovereignty. Colonel Allen and his 
friends sent out a counter-proclamation,* offering a 

* Advertisement £25 Reward. Whereas James Dnane and John 
Kcmpe of New York, have by their menaces and threats greatly dis- 
turbed the public Peace and Repose of the honest Peasants of Benning- 
ton and the settlements to the Northward, which Peasants are now, and 
ever have been in the Peace of God <fe the King, and are patriotic and 
liege subjects of George the Third, — Any person that will apprehend 
those common disturbers, viz., James Duaneand John Kempe, and bring 
them to Landlord Fays at Bennington, shall have £15 Reward for James 
Duane, and £10 for John Kempe, paid by Ethan Allen, 

K KM EMBER BaKKR, 

. Dated at Poultney, Feb. 5th 1772. Robkrt Cockkank. 



158 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. " 

reward for the apprehension of the persons who had 
become most obnoxious to the inhabitants of the I^ew- 
Hampshire Grants. Notwithstanding the frequency 
of proclamations, it is believed that no person was 
apprehended in consequence of them, which is a proof 
tliat the people of the parts of 'New York adjoining 
the New-Hampshire grants were more favorable to 
the settlers than were prominent men of the colony ; 
otherwise, the allurement of the reward would have 
induced combinations for seizing individual offenders, 
particularly as the people were required by law to 
assist the sheriff in the execution of his office. Allen 
never denied that the conduct of himself and his 
mountaineers, interpreted by the laws of New York, 
or the laws of any well-ordered society, was properly 
called riotous ; but he contended that they were driven 
to this extremity by the oppression of their stronger 
neighbors ; that no other means were left by which they 
could defend their property ; and that, under such cir- 
cumstances, they were perfectly justified in resorting to 
these means. They encroached not upon the posses- 
sions of other people ; they remained on their own soil ; 
and, if riots existed, they were caused by those who 
came among them for molestation and injury. View- 
ing things in this light, he thought it hard, and with 
reason, that he should first be called a rioter, then a 
criminal rioter, and last of all be denounced to the 
world as a felon, with a price set upon his liberty, and 
threats of condign punishment if he should be taken. "'*■ 
But Allen, who was brave even to rashness, was in 
no degree intimidated by the reward offered .for his 

• See Sparks' Life of Ethan Allen. 



DARING OF COLONEL ALLEN. 159 

apprehension, and this be designed that those who had 
advised tliat measure should fully understand. Much 
anxiety was felt by his friends for his safety, on account 
of the many opportunities which his indifference to 
danger afforded for arrestinj]^ him. Allen, however, 
laughed at their fears, and offered a bet that he would 
proceed to Albany, alight at the most prominent house 
0+' entertainment, drink a bowl of punch, and finally 
escape unharmed. This was accepted. Having made 
the necessary arrangements, Allen proceeded to Albany, 
and, after deliberately alighting from his horse, and 
entering the house with a haughty air, called for a 
bowl of punch, according to the terms of his bet. The 
intelligence that "Ethan Allen was in the city," sprea.d 
rapidly, and a large concourse of people collected 
around the house, among whom was the sheriff of 
Albany county. Allen was wholly unmoved. Having 
finished his punch, he went to the door, mounted hi8 
horse, and giving a hearty "Hjizza for the Green 
Moimtains," departed unharmed. Those who were 
disposed to arrest him felt that the enterprise would 
not be unaccompanied with danger. 

On another occasion, Allen's terr^eWty very nearly 
proved his ruin. While traveling upon the shores of 
Lake Champlain, opposite Crown Point, with a single 
companion, he stopped at the house of a Mr. Eichards. 
It happened that, at the same tim«, a party of six sol- 
diers fiom the neighboring fortress, fully armed, were 
at the house, with the intention of remaining during 
the night. Knowing Allen, they determined on arrest- 
ing him, aLd obtaining the tempting reward offered by 
the government of New York for Lis apprehension. 



160 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

Mrs. Eichards overheard their conversation, and when 
lighting Allen and his companion to their room, in- 
formed them of the design of the soldiers; and silently 
raising a window, advised them to escape. When the 
soldiers discovered that Allen had left the house, they 
threatened Mrs. Richards with punishment, for con- 
niving at the escape of the heroic leader of the Green- 
Mountain Bojs ; but she apologized, on the ground 
that if she had failed to do so, the people would have 
torn down 'her house, and driven herself and family 
from their possessions. 

John Munro, who has been heretofore mentioned as 
an active and determined partisan of New York, in 
the hope of receiving the reward offered by Governor 
Tryon, and to enjoy the honor which would attend the 
success of such an undertaking, resolved on capturing 
and carrying to Albany one of the persons who had 
been outlawed by the proclamation. He accordingly 
assembled ten or twelve of his friends and dependents, 
and, on the morning of March 22d, 1772, before day- 
light, surrounded the house of Remember Baker, of 
Arlington, for the purpose of arresting him. Armed 
with swords and pistols, they burst open the door and 
entered the house. Baker was severely wounded upon 
the head and arm by a sword. His wife, and a son 
about twelve years of age, were also treated with great 
inhumanity, the one being wounded upon the head and 
neck by the blow of a sword, and the other receiving 
a dangerous cut npon his arm. Baker, being over- 
powered by numbers, was bound, thrown bleeding into 
a sleigh, and driven rapidly toward Albany. The alarm 
was spread with great rapidity, and in a short time ten 



REMEMBER BAKER. 161 

"well-carmed men mounted tlicir horses, and started in 
pursuit of tlie captors. Others, as speedily as prepara- 
tions could bo made, hastened to their assistance. As 
Munro, with his prisoner, reached the Hudson river, 
the party in pursuit also arrived at the ferry. Munro 
and Ids party abandoned their prisoner and fled. 
Captain Baker, who was nearly exhausted from loss 
of blood, needed the immediate care of his hardy 
friends. They dressed his wounds, and carried hinr. 
back to his family, to the extreme joy of the entire 
community. Munro, in the report of this transaction 
to the governor of New York, represented the conflict 
at Baker's house as a very desperate one, ancl said "he 
had reason to be thankful to divine Providence, for the 
preservation of his life, and that of the whole party." 
An account of the scene, written, as it was understood, 
by Ethan Allen, was published in the Connecticut 
Courant, of June 9, 1772, with the ensuing title: "The 
following contains a true narrative of the sufferings 
and abuses received by Mr. Eemember Baker, his Wife 
and Family, on the 22d day of March, A. D. 1772, 
at his own dwelling-house in Arlington, and on the 
lands granted by his late Excellency Benning "VYent- 
worth, Esq., late Governor of the Province of IS'ew 
Hampshire." '^ 

"This wicked, inhuman, most barbarous, infamous, 
cruel, villainous and thievish Act -was perpetrated, 
committed, and carried into execution by one John 
Munro, a reputed Justice of the Peace, living near that 
phice, with a number of ruffians, his neighbors — who, 

• Tliis curious document, the style of which was well suited to the 
leolings and comprehension of the uneducated Green-Mountain Boys, is 
rppublished verbatim. 



162 ETHAN ALLEN AND UKEEJN-fllODNTAIN HEEOEB. 

after a Lords day consultation in plotting this wicked 
and horrid design, surprised the said liuker in his said 
dwelling-house, about the lirst a])pearance of morning 
light, on the said 22d day of March, and, after making 
an attempt to discharge their tire-arms through the 
said Baker's house, and finding their lire-arms missing 
fire, said Munro with his attendants, did with axes 
forcibly break and enter the said Baker's house, and 
with weapons of death, spread destruction round the 
room, outtins: with swords and bruisino; with fire-arms 
and clubs men women and children, swearing by' — * 
he would have Baker dead or alive, and that he would 
burn the house. Baker Wife & Children and all the 
effects, and to compass and bring this villainous scheme 
into execution, did with his own wicked and rebellious 
hand convey fire from the hearth in the said house to 
a cupboard in the room, it being the most convenient 
place to answer his intentions, when all on a sudden, 
as quick as a flash, a Judas spirit, that of gain and 
plunder, overballanced his wicked noddle. Tliis being 
agreed on, he instantly thrust his sword at Mrs. Baker 
with an. intention to have ended at that instant her life 
(as he has since confessed) when her right arm, near 
her elbow joint, for that time, happily preserved her 
from the intended mxirder. Others, in the mean time, 
his attendants, were mauling and beating and bruising 
liis children. Mr. Baker, having at that time posted 
himself in his Chamber for the better security of him- 
self, family and effects, finding their malice oaths and 
imprecations principally levelled at his ])erson, thought 
most proper to leave his ciiamber, tliinking thereby to 
draw the murderers after him and so give his family 
in their wounded circumstances a better op])ortunity 
to save themselves from impending ruin and utter de- 
struction, accordinojlv burst a board from the ^iible end 
of the house and leaped out of the window he had by 
that means made, when part of the ruffians, by the 

* Wheipver oaths occur in the oiiy;i rial nanntireof the assault upon 
Mr. Baker, as well as otluM- d vonmonts republished in those pages, t)»6'* 
place will be supplied with a dash. 



BEMEMBKR BAKEK. 163 

eajd Justice's comniand, were ordered (after firing on 

said Baker, and saying three times successively, 

Liin be is dead) to set on liiin a large spiteful wilful 
and very malicious dog, educated and brought up 
agreeable to their ow'n forms and customs who beiuo- 
like those other servants of the devil at that time all 
obedience, seized the said Baker, and being instantly 
joined by those his cruel partners, bound and pinioned 
him so fast that be was unable to use or make even the 
least resistance in defence of himself, his unhappy 
wounded wife, or his poor helpless distressed children. 

"And not being as yet satisfied with their own un- 
lawful proceedings, and their thirst for blood not being 
quenched, the better to enhance & increase their horrid 
crime and procure a fell draught of human blood, to 
quench their urmatural thirst, did convey the said 
Baker to the carriage in which they rode ; where in 
his confined state, the said John did with bis attend- 
ants. Tomahawk, cut and slash in spots, that their eyes 
might see a life languish out by degrees in streams of 

blood, while they did with a at almost every 

breath, laugh him in the face, to express their satisfac- 
tion in bis affonizinof srroans. 

"In this awful and lamentable situation, almost on 
the verge of eternity, by means of the bruises, cuts, 
and great efi'usion of blood, said Baker witli a voice 
according to bis strength, called for bis clothes as be 
was yet naked from his bed, who was denied them by 
the said Justice, which after several strokes with hip 
naked sword over said Baker's naked face and eyes 
and breaking the same in three pieces and gave him 

this reflection, that him be would cloath 

bim as a traitor; which aggravating 

threats, gave them a new sip to their beloved re- 
venge. — Thus they continued him in bis naked jcMir- 
ney, for the space of four miles and a half, with many 
cruel words, and hard blows stopping bis breath with 
handkerchiefs, till almost suffocated, lest be should 
ap})ly to some person for relief 

"The said Justice and attendants bad taken what of 
the effects belonged to the house, he and they thought 



164 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

wortliy their present affrighted notice ; although they 
would in probability have been more faithful in the 
prosecution of self and worldly gain, had not they 
have feared a surprise in so unchristian an act. — Tliey 
pursued their journey with" severe words and crnel 
threats as thoucrh resolved to take a full swiiitr and 
make an ample feast of human cruelty, until pursued 
by three persons' loyal and faithful subjects to the 
Crown of Great Britain, whose banner they mean ever 
more to live and die under, and, after inquiring for the 
preservation of the life of said Baker, were immediately 
tired on by several of Munro's party and robbed of 
what interest he had with him, to the value of forty 
dollars, as a fresh sip and recruit to their hellish de- 
mand. These distressing tidings being soon spread on 
the premises, enhanced the innocent inhabitants, and 
for the preservation of Baker his family & their own 
persons, families and eft'ects, some of them did pursue 
the said carriage about thirty miles, and when said 
John with his attendants, being savage like, conscience 
struck and condemned, run and hid themselves so pri- 
vate that it is not known by«his or their acquaintances 
where they have been ever since ; leaving the said 
Baker witfi very little remains of life, unable to tight 
for liimsx^lf, who willingly in his capacity accepted of 
mercy, which he had been so long a stranger to. 

"The foregoing contains but a very short, though 
true account of the barbarous conduct of the said John 
towards the said Baker and family, and such conduct 
exercised b}^ a pretended civil magistrate, or such a 
magistrate rather must be dishonorable, a reproach, 
shame, disgrace vfec. pn the laws, restrictions, regula- 
tions, peace, manners, good order and economy, both 
of the Laws of God and Man. The above and much 
more can be attested with good authority, as many 
worthy persons were eye witnesses of the said tragedy. 
The robbery has since been confessed by the said Justice 
and he has promised to make amends." 

But to return to the spring of 17 2. The attack 
upon Captain Baker, as might have been anticipated, 



ATTEMPT TO ARREST WARNER. 165 

produced a strong feeling of indignation among his 
friends and partisans. This was still further increased 
by a subsequent attempt of Munro to arrest Captain 
Seth Warner. The latter, with a single friend, was 
riding on horseback in the vicinity of Munro's resi- 
dence. Munro, with several of his dependents, met 
them, and entered into conversation. Suddenly, Munro 
seized the bridle of Warner's horse, and commanded 
those present to aid in his arrest. Warner, after advis- 
ing the ]S^ew-York magistrate to desist, struck him over 
the head with his cutlass so powerfully, that he fell to 
the ground insensible. The spectators, intimidated by 
this energetic action, made no attempt to interfere ; and 
Warner rode off, without further molestation. Munro 
received no permanent injury, and speedily recovered. 
He wrote to the governor, however, giving a most 
dismal account of the state of affairs in his vicinity ; 
stating, among other things, that the "rioters," by their 
number and boldness, were "striking terror into the 
whole country — that he was in a continual fear of 
them, as he could not find, a single magistrate or 
officer that would speak or act against them — that he 
was almost worn out with watching, and that nothing 
but the most vigorous measures for the defense of his 
property, would save it from destruction." 

It now became the fixed determination of the set- 
tlers, at all hazards, to maintain their position by ex- 
pelling from the l^ew-Hampshire Grants every person 
who should attempt to act under the authority of the 
New-York claimants. While the feelings of the peo- 
ple were highly exasperated by the occurrences which 
Lave been narrated, intelligence reached Bennington 



166 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

that Governor Trjon was ascending the Hudson, with 
a body of British troops, who were on the way to sub- 
due the refractory Green-Mountain Boys. This news 
was the more readily credited, as the royal troops had 
recently been employed at "Bateman's Patent," in the 
colony of New York, to quell an insurrection founded 
on a dispute in regard to the title or rents of lands; 
and it was also known that the New- York claimants to 
the New-Hampshire Grants, had applied to the gover- 
nor to send the troops of the regular army against the 
Green-Mountain Boys. The report of the approach of 
Governor Tryon at first produced alarm. The com- 
mittees of safety, with the military officers, met in con- 
vention, to consult on the measures proper to be taken. 
Their perilous situation was anxiously discussed, and 
on full consideration it was finally resolved, that "it 
was their duty to oppose Governor Tryon and his 
troops to the utmost of their power." This resolution 
being taken, every practical measure was adopted to 
make their resistance efiectual. Two pieces of cannon 
and a mortar were procured from Fort Hoosic and 
taken to Bennington, and a general rally of all persons 
capable of bearing arms was instituted. A plan of op- 
erations was devised, by which a few sharp-shooters 
were to be stationed in a narrow pass on the road 
leading from Albany to Bennington, who were to re- 
main in concealment,, and shoot down the officers as 
they approached with their troops. The same marks- 
men were then to return through the woods, and join 
another party of their comrades in a similar position, 
where they were to exercise their unerring skill in 
the use of the rifle, and, when they could :io longer 



RENEWED NEGOTIATIONS. 167 

maintain their position, retreat to the main body, who 
would be prepared to receive the invading troops, dis- 
ordered and dispirited as it was supj^oscd they would be 
by the loss of their officers. A trusty person was dis- 
patched to Albany, with instructions to await the 
arrival of Governor Tryon's army ; to observe the 
officers particularly, that he might distinguish them 
again ; and to ascertain as many particulars as he 
should be able in regard to the number of the enemy, 
the time of marching, and their intended movements. 
The messenger returned with the welcome information, 
that the troops were bound for Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point, and that they had no intention of marching 
toward Bennington. Although the people were hap- 
pily relieved from the necessity of putting their valor 
to the test, their prompt and bold preparations for the 
onset were a pledge that in no event would it have 
terminated in their dishonor. The increased number 
of troops stationed within their immediate vicinity, 
could have no other effect than to strengthen their ap- 
prehensions as to the ultimate designs of the governor 
of New York. 

Information of the proceedings of the Green-Moun- 
tain Boys, during this alarm, soon reached the gover- 
nor of New York, in letters from Munro, and also from 
several individuals, who, in consequence of having re- 
purchased their lands from New York, had excited th»^ 
animosity of their neighbors, and deemed it prudent to 
flee to Albany, during the preparations to resist Gov- 
ernor Tryon. This magistrate, from the number and 
determined spirit of the settlers, as indicated during 
their apprehension of an invasion, seems to have been 



168 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

impressed with the difficulty of subduing them by force, 
and to have come to the determination of trying what 
could be done by negotiation. He accordingly pre- 
pared a letter, addressed to the Rev. Mr. Dewey and 
other principal inhabitants of Bennington, in which, af- 
ter censuring the illegality of their conduct, he expressed 
a strong desire to do them justice, and invited them to 
send a deputation of such persons as they might choose, 
to lay before him a full statement of their grievances, 
and the reasons for their resistance to his authority. 
"That there may be no obstruction," continued the gov- 
ernor, " to your laying before me, in council, as soon as 
possible, a fair representation of your conduct, I do 
hereby engage full security and protection to an}'^ per- 
sons whom you shall choose to send on this business 
to New York, from the time they leave their homes to 
the time of their return, except Robert Cockrane, as 
also Allen, Baker and Sevil, mentioned in my procla- 
mation of the 10th of December last, and Seth "Warner, 
whose audacious behavior to a civil magistrate has 
subjected him to the penalties of the laws of his 
country." 

This letter was duly delivered to the occupants of 
the IS^ew-Hampshire Grants by the sheriff of Albany 
county. On receiving this invitation to negotiate, the 
people of Bennington and the neighboring towns as- 
sembled by their committees, took the subject into con- 
sideration, and promptly acceded to the proposal. They 
returned a firm and respectful answer to Governor 
Tryon, detailing the oppressions which they had suf- 
fered, and urging him to discontinue all violent pro- 
ceedings against them, until a full representation of 



Allen's vindication. 169 

the matter could be made to the king, and his full de- 
cision of all the points involved in the controversy 
could be obtained. Captain Stephen Fay, with his 
Bon, Dr. Jonas Fay, were appointed delegates to return 
this answer to Governor Tryon, with authority to make 
particular explanations, in case that functionary should 
wish them to do so. 

Neither was the opportunity to be passed over by 
Allen and his proscribed friends, of vindicating them- 
selves against the aspersions cast upon tliem by their 
enemies, and the stigma of being pointed out to the 
world as rioters, abettors of mobs, and felons. They 
sent a joint dispatch to Governor Tryon, in the natir. e 
of a protest against the treatment they had received, 
and in justification of their motives and acts. Allen 
was again the penman for his brethren ; and, consider- 
ing their provocations, and the degree of excitement 
to which they had been wrought up, their remonstrance 
was clothed in language sufficiently respectful — breath- 
ing the spirit of men conscious of their dignity, and 
resolute in the defense of their rights, but ready to 
meet the awards of justice, and abide by the decision 
of a fair and impartial tribunal.* Some of their ar- 
guments are put in a forcible manner. "If we do not 
oppose the sheriff and his posse," say they, "he takes 
immediate possession of our houses and farms ; and 
when others oppose officers in taking their friends so 
indicted, they are also indicted, and so on, there being 
no end of indiotments against us, so long as we act the 
bold and manly part, and stand by our liberty. And 
it comes to this at last : that we must tamely be dispos- 

• See Life of Ethau Allen, by Jared Sparki. 

8 



170 ETHiN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

sesscd, or oppose officers in taking possession ; and as a 
next necessary step, to oppose the taking of rioters, so 
called, or run away like so many cowards, and quit 
the country to a number of cringing, polite gentlemen, 
who have ideally possessed themselves of it alread^^." 
Again: "Though they style ns rioters for opposing 
them, and seek to catch and pnnish us as such, yet in 
reality themselves are the rioters, the tumultuous, dis- 
orderly, stimulating faction, or in fine the land-jobbers ; 
and every violent act they have done to compass their 
designs, though, ever so much under pretense of law, 
is in reality a violation of law, and an insult to the 
constitution and authority of the crown, as well as 
to many of us in person, who have been great suf- 
ferers by such inhuman exertions of pretended law. 
Kight and wrong are eternally the same to all periods 
of time, places and nations ; and coloring a crime with 
a specious pretense of law, only adds to the criminality 
of it, for it subverts the very design of law, prostituting 
it to the vilest purposes." " We beg leave to observe," 
says Allen, "that as, on the one hand, no consideration 
whatever shall induce us to remit, in the least, of our 
loyalty and gratitude to our most gracious sovereign, 
nor of a reasonable submission to your Excellency ; so, 
on the other hand, no tyrannical exertions of the powers 
of the government, can deter us from asserting and 
vindicating our undoubted rights and privileges as 
Englishmen." "No person or persons," continues the 
sturdy patriot, "can be supposed to be under any par- 
ticular compact or law, except it presupposeth, that 
that law will protect such person or persons in his or 
their properties ; for otherwise the subject would, by 



CONCILIATOKY KECOMMENDATION. 171 

law, be bound to be accessory to his own ruin and 
destruction, which is inconsistent with the law of selt- 
preservation ; but this law being natural as well as 
eternal, can never be abrogated by the law of men." 
And again : ''The transferring or alienation of property 
is a sacred prerogative of the true owner — kings and 
governors cannot intermeddle therewith."* Had kings 
and governors, in those days, possessed much foresight, 
they would have been more reluctant to drive men 
like Ethan Allen to the utterance and armed main- 
tenance of such principles. 

Governor Tryon received the agents who were the 
bearers of these communications, with affability and 
kindness. He invited them to meet with his council 
and discuss freely the subjects in dispute. After- 
ward, a committee of the council made a report to the 
governor respecting the controversy, and made the fol- 
lowing recommendations : "The committee are desirous 
your Excellency should afford the inhabitants of those 
townships all the relief in your power, by suspending, 
till his Majesty's pleasure shall be known, all prosecu- 
tions in behalf of the crown, on account of the crimes 
with which they stand charged, by depositions before 
us ; and to recommend it to the owners of the contested 
lands under grants from this province, to put a stop, 
during the same period, to all civil suits concerning 
the lands in question." This report of the committee 
was approved by the governor and council, and with 
this intelligence the Fays returned to their constituents, 
and were hailed as the harbingers of peace and joy. 

* This letter is published entire in Slade's Vormon' State Papers — a 
collection of historic documents of great interest. 



172 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
t 

The people had never asked for more than was imp/ied 
in these terms, being well persuaded that, however 
the question of jurisdiction might be settled, the king 
could never sanction a course of proceeding which 
would deprive them of their property. Gladness was 
difi'used rapidly throughout the cabins of the remotest 
settlers. A large public meeting w^as held at Benning- 
ton, where the minutes of the governor's approval of a 
peaceful policy were read amid loud acclamations, and 
for the moment, the memory of all former griefs was 
swept away by the overflowing tide of enthusiasm in 
tavor of Governor Tryon. The following account of 
the proceedings of this meeting was sent to Albany 
by the Fays : 

"We, as messengers, laid before the above committee 
an extract of the minutes of his Majesty's council of 
the province of New York of the 2d instant, together 
with his Excellency Governor Tryon's letter of the 
same date, directed to the inhabitants of Bennington, 
&c., and after reading the same, the above committee 
and. a numerous concourse of the inhabitants of the 
adjacent country and other spectators, gave a full and 
unanimous vote in favor of the papers aforesaid ; and 
the thanks of the people were presented to us for our 
diligence in procuring these papers. Peace was also 
recommended on the whole New Hampshire Grants, 
by all who were present ; when the whole artillery of 
Bennington, with the small-arms, were several times 
discharged in honor of the governor and council of 
New York. — Health to the king — Health to Governor 
Tryon — Health to the council of New York — Uui 
versa! peace and plenty, liberty and prosperity, by 



QUARREL RllNEWED. 173 

sundry respectable gentlemen, some of wtiom were 
from neighboring provinces. Stephen Fay, 

Jonas Fay." 
This season of rejoicing was of but short continuance. 
The reconciliation was not so complete as the people 
imagined. The seeds of contention had not been 
eradicated, and it was but a short time before the 
former animosity between the Green-Mountain Boys 
and the governor of New York resumed its wonted 
vigor. The conciliatory resolve of the governor and 
council contained an ambiguity which had escaped the 
notice of a people eager to believe that they were to 
receive justice. The New- York grantees were re- 
quested to refrain from prosecuting their claims until 
the king's pleasure could be known ; but nothing was 
caid in regard to suspending executions where suits 
had already been decided in their favor. There was 
no prohibition of their claiming possession of the lands 
which had been awarded to them by such decisions, 
nor were they required to desist from surveying the 
lands and determining their situation or boundaries. 
Hence, many actual sources of dissension and tumult 
still remained open. Unfortunately, an act of violence 
on the part of the inhabitants of the Grants, hastened 
the interruption of the friendly feeling which it was 
hoped had been established. During the absence of 
the commissioners in New York, intelligence was re- 
ceived at Bennington that Mr. Kockburn, a surveyor 
who was especially odious to the people, was busily 
engaged in some of the northern townships, in the 
survey of lands. A small party, with Colonel Allen 
at their head, went in pursuit of Mr. Kockburn, and 



174 ETHAN ALLEN" AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

succeeded in capturing him and in destroying hii? in- 
ptrum«nts. He was taken to Castleton, tried by a 
court-martial, and threatened with death should he 
ever again enter the interdicted territory. But at tliis 
juncture, the result of the mission of the Fays to New 
York was learned, and Mr. Kockburn was released, 
and the sentence against him withdrawn. During the 
expedition in search of Mr. Kockburn, Ethan Allen 
and his party dispossessed the tenants of an intruder 
in New Haven, near the mouth of Otter creek. The 
charter of the townships had been granted by New 
Hampshire in 1763, and as early as 1769, a settlement 
was commenced under the charter, and a saw-mill 
erected. Soon afterward. Colonel Reid, of New York, 
who claimed under a subsequent patent from that prov- 
ince, forcibly turned out the New-Hampshire settlers 
and put his own tenants in possession. They erected 
additional log-houses and a grist-mill. Allen gave these 
persons a short time to remove their effects, and then 
burned the houses, requiring the people to repurchase 
under New Ham])shire, or leave the district. Pang- 
burn, the former proprietor, was put in possession of 
his saw-mill, but the machinery of the grist-mill was 
destroyed. Governor Tryon, on hearing of these ex- 
ploits, was much exasperated. He wrote a letter to 
the inhabitants of the Grants, complaining of this con- 
duct as an insult to the government, and a violation 
of public faith. This letter was taken into consider- 
ation by the committees of the several townships, 
assembled ^t Manchester, who returned a bold and 
decisive, though conciliatory answer. They asserted 
that their conduct could be no breach of faith, because 



LETTER TO GOVERNOR TRYON. 175 

none was plighted until the 15th of July, when the 
proposition of Governor Tryon was accepted by the 
people in convention at Bennington, and that the 
transactions complained of had happened before that 
time; that if there had been any violation of the 
compact, the ISTew-York claimants had been the ag- 
gressors in undertaking to survey and occupy the 
territory in dispute. If such conduct, contended they, 
was not forbidden by the agreement proposed by Gov- 
ernor Tryon and accepted by the people, they had 
wholly misunderstood the character of his proposition, 
and had been deceived in regard to the compact which 
had received their approval. They assured him that 
they had never consented, and never would consent to 
abandon their property to the land speculators of New 
York. Although the forms of civility were retained 
in the correspondence, it was evident that the situa- 
tion of the people was precisely what it had been 
previous to any attempt at negotiation. Indeed, as is 
usual in cases of unsuccessful efibrts at reconciliation, 
the animosity of the parties was increased, and the 
prospect of a peaceful termination of the difficulties 
was much diminished. 

A meeting of deputies, from the towns on the west 
side of the Green Mountains, was held at Manchester, 
on the 21st of October, 1772, which not only confirmed 
all previous resolutions to resist the ISTew- Yorkers, but 
adopted others still more belligerent. For the purpose 
of strengthening their interest on the Grants, the New- 
York government renewed the policy of appointing 
several of the most conspiciwus and influential settlers 
to office. In some instances these appointments were 



176 ETHAN ALLEN AND G KEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

attended with the anticipated results, and the individ- 
uals thus distinguished became the adherents of the 
government by which they had been honored. To 
counteract the tendency of this policy, it was decreed 
by the convention, that no person residing within the 
limits of the disputed territory should hold or accept 
office under 'New York. On conviction before a proper 
tribunal of Green-Mountain Boys, the offender was to 
be punished at the discretion of the " court." The pun- 
ishment under this decree, which continued in force 
for several years, was commonly whipping and banish- 
ment — the whipping was quaintly denominated "the 
application of the heech-seal,^ or, as Ethan Allen 
sometimes had it, "a castigation with the twigs of the 
wilderness." The ISTew-Hampshire Grants were thus 
actually separated from New York, and thenceforward 
acted as an independent republic, the people making 
and administering their own laws, and yielding only a 
nominal allegiance to the authority of the British crown. 
Indeed, the people of Bennington seem never to have 
fully acknowledged the jurisdiction of New York. Un- 
til near the beginning of 1770, the notifications of all 
town-meetings were usually headed, "Province of New 
Hampshire;" but after that time they were simply en- 
titled "Town of Bennington," without any allusion to 
the province in which it was situated. This was con- 
tinued until 1778, when the inhabitants of the Grants 
formally announced their independence, and adopted 
a written constitution. During the intermediate pe- 
riod they existed as a thorough democracy ; all laws 
and regulations, as well as the time and manner ot 
their enforcement in particular instances, being decided 



THE SCOTCH EMIGRANTS. 177 

Upon in general meetings of the people. Tlie conven- 
tion at Westminster, it is true, had sent Jehiel liawley 
and James Brackenridge as commissioners to London, 
to seek redress of their grievances from the governor 
of New York ; but the subject of taxing the colonies 
then engrossed the entire attention of the home gov- 
ernment, and prevented any decisive action being 
taken in regard to the matter. 

From the fall of 1772 until the commencement of 
the Revolution, the controversy with Kew York was 
carried on with increasing vigor a-nd animosity. Its 
history is one of repeated attempts on the part of the 
New- York authorities to take possession of the disputed 
lands ; of indictments against the occupants of the 
New-Hampshire Grants as rioters for resisting these 
attempts ; of laws and proclamations for their appre- 
hension and punishment ; of the forcible exjDulsion of 
the New-York intruders ; and of the arrest, punishment 
or banishment of persons on the Grants who counte- 
nanced the New-York titles or jurisdiction. Only a 
few of the most important incidents of this period need 
be mentioned. The settlement at New-Haven Falls, 
the scene of Ethan Allen's summary manner of award- 
ing justice, became the subject of further ditficulties. 
In July, 1773, Colonel Reid, who then resided in New 
York, induced a number of Scotch emigrants, who had 
recently landed in that city, to accompany him to New 
Haven, and become his tenants upon the lands which 
he claimed under a patent from New York. This 
party took immediate possession of the improve- 
ments — a second time expelling the New-IIampshire 
settlers. Having repaired his mills, Colonel Reid 



178 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOKS. 

returned to New York, leaving the Scotchmen to retain 
possession of the premises and to continue the im- 
provements. Intelligence of this invasion was seait to 
Bennington, and Allen, Warner, Baker and others im- 
mediately repaired to the scene of action, and forcibly 
reinstated the I^ew-Hampshire claimants. The ma- 
chinery of the flouring mills was broken, and the 
miller was warned not to repair it, "on- pain of suf- 
fering the displeasure of the Green-Mountain Boys." 
The Scotchmen, who were accompanied by their fam- 
ilies, on being informed of the nature of the contro- 
versy, declared that they had been deceived by Colonel 
Reid, removed from the place, and finally settled near 
the Mohawk river. To prevent further intrusions, 
Allen and his party caused a block-fort to be erected 
at the place, and supplied it with a small garrison, 
which thenceforward aflTorded full protection to the 
people in that vicinity. A similar fort was built on 
the Winooski, amply furnished with arms and ammu- 
nition. Further defensive measures were contemplated, 
and an agent was actually sent abroad to purchase the 
necessary munitions of war. 

In consequence of information received at [N'ew York, 
of these and other occurrences of a similar character, 
the council advised Governor Trvon, "that the fre- 
quency of riots and the boldness of rioters made it ne- 
cessary to employ a military force;" and unanimously 
requested him to demand of General Haldimand, the 
commander of the regular forces, "a sutiicient number 
of troops to occupy Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to 
aid the magistrates in the performance of their duty.' 
This requirement was made by the governor, but was 



ALLEN AND THK " D URH AMll'ES." 179 

not well received by the general, who did not appear 
to be convinced of the propriety of assenting to the 
use of the regular troops for such a purpose. A volu- 
minous correspondence ensued between the two officials, 
which was protracted until so late in the season that 
it became impracticable to transfer the troops to the 
proposed stations. 

The town of Clarendon and its vicinity was the the- 
ater of repeated disturbances. The first settlers of the 
town, which they called Durham, had purchased from 
the heirs of Lydius. They favored the claims of New 
York, although they declined to repurchase their lands 
of either New York or New Hampshire. Governor 
Tryon, in the hope of obtaining their aid against the 
claimants of lands under New-Hampshire grants, ac- 
quiesced in the validity of their title from the heirs 
of Lydius. Some of their principal men were ap- 
pointed magistrates, and they recognized the juris- 
diction of New York. This defection, in the midst of 
the New-Hampshire Grants, gave much uneasiness to 
the Green-Mountain Boys, and various measure^ were 
adopted to induce the "Durhamites," as they were 
called, to recognize the validity of the titles from 
Governor Wentworth. In order either to terrify or 
force them into a compliance with the views of the 
Green-Mountain Boys, Allen and Baker, with one 
hundred armed men, marched to Clarendon in the 
autumn of 1773. The persons against whom the ex- 
pedition was chiefly undertaken, having notice of the 
approach of the hostile force, efiected their escape. 
Allen and his party remained in the town several 
days, *' visiting the inhabitants, and exhorting them to 



180 ETHAN Ai.LEN AND JJREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

repent of their New- York attachments." . After com- 
mitting several acts of violence, and threatening still 
severer measures should their requirements be disre- 
garded, they returned to their homes. The persons 
who had fled from Clarendon proceeded to J^ew York, 
and placed before the governor and council a full 
statement of the alledged outrages of Allen and his 
party, which they denominated "the Bennington mob." 
In the winter of 1774, the IS'ew-York grantees com- 
bined their influence, and applied to the assembly for 
legislative aid against the Green-Mountain Boys. The 
result was a law purporting to be an act for the pre- 
vention of tumultuous and riotous assemblies, and the 
punishment of rioters, which may safely be pronounced 
to be one of the most extraordinary specimens of leg 
islative despotism that ever disgraced a statute-book. 
After naming Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, Remember 
Baker, Robert Cockrane, Peleg Sunderland, ^ilvanus 
Brown, James Brackenridge, and John Smith as the 
principal leaders in the riots, the law empowered the 
governor and council to issue a proclamation requiring 
those persons, or any others who should be indicted for 
a similar ofiense, (that of resisting the sherifl*,) to sur- 
render themselves for commitment to any justice of 
the peace, within seventy days from the date of such 
requirement ; and in case this summons should be dis- 
obeyed, the person neglecting to surrender himself was 
to be "adjudged and deemed" convicted, and to sufier 
death without further trial ; and the supreme court 
was authorized to pass a judicial sentence in the same 
manner as if an actua trial had been had, and a ver- 
dict of guilty duly rendered! This law was enacted 



THE "bloody law." 181 

on the 9th of March, 1774, and on the same day the 
governor, never weary of oiFering rewards for the ap- 
prehension of Allen and his associates, issued a proc- 
lamation promising a reward of one hundred pounds 
for the arrest of Ethan Allen, and fifty pounds for 
either of the other persons accused as "the principal 
ringleaders of the Bennington riiob." The purpose of 
these proceedings was to inflict a punishment so severe 
upon these persons, as would overawe the opposition 
to the authority . of JS'ew York. The eflfect was far 
otherwise. "They may," said Allen laughingly, ''^sen- 
tence us to be hung for refusing to voluntarily place 
our necks in the halter : but how will the fools manaere 
to hang a Green-Mountain Boy before they catch him?" 
The committees of the several townships assembled in 
convention, and took up the subject with more calmness 
than could have been anticipated under circumstances 
so irritating. They reviewed the causes of the contro- 
versy, asserted anew their rights, affirmed that they 
were not the aggressors, that all the violence to which 
they had been accessory was fully justified by the 
laws of self-preservation, and that they were deter- 
mined to maintain the ground they had taken, without 
fear or favor, at every hazard and every sacrifice. 
They closed their public proceedings by a resolve, that 
all necessary preparations should be made, and that 
the inhabitants should hold themselves in readiness at 
a minute's warning to defend those among them "who, 
for their merit in the great and general cause, had 
been falsely denominated rioters;" declaring, at the 
6ame time, that they would act only on the defensive, 
and that in all civil cases, and criminal prosecutions — 



182 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTALN HEROES. 

really such — tbey would assist the proper officers to 
enforce the execution of the laws. 

In addition to these public doings of the people at 
large by their representatives, the proscribed persons, 
at the head of whom was Ethan Allen, published a 
manifesto, to which they jointly affixed their names, 
containing a defense of themselves, and free remarks 
on the !New-York act and proclamation. To look for 
moderation as a prominent quality in a paper of this 
kind, is perhaps more than would be authorized by the 
nature of the case, or the character of the individuals 
concerned ; yet it expressed sentiments which we should 
be sorry not to find in men whom we would respect, 
and in whom we would confide in the hour of peril. 
It spoke in a tone of deep complaint of the injuries 
they had sufifered from the vindictive persecutions of 
their enemies, protested against the tyrannical abuse of 
power which w^ould arraign them as criminals for pro- 
tecting their own property, and threatened death to 
those who "should be tempted by the wages of un- 
righteousness offered in the proclamation," and under- 
take to put in execution against them the sanguinary 
edict of the New- York assembly. After these decisive 
manifestoes of the belligerent parties, acts of violence 
might be anticipated. These were, however, not nu- 
merous, nor of a decisive character. There were a few 
cases in which the "beech-seal" was applied to the 
partisans of New York with considerable energy ; but 
this punishment was reserved for the most incorrigible 
offenders. Milder measures w'ere adopted with the 
less dangerous and active, and usually with success. 
Hidicule was often emp^\yed, and constituted the 



FUNIS aMEm' OF DOCTOR ADAMS. 183 

principal ingredient of the punishments inflicted upon 
tliem. An instance of this is found in the case of 
Doctor Samuel Adams, of Ai'lington. He openly 
declared himself a partisan of New York, and was 
accustomed to speak disrespectfully of the conventions 
and committees, and advised the public to peaceably 
purchase the title to their lands from New York. He 
was informed by his neighbors that his conversation 
w-as unacceptable, and they admonished him to be 
more prudent in the expression of his views. Far 
from producing a reform, their hints served only to 
stimulate the anger of the courageous doctor, who forth- 
with armed himself with pistols and other weapons, 
and proclaimed his opinions more loudly and decidedly 
than ever. He announced his full determination to 
defend himself to the best of his ability against any 
person who should approach him with any unfriendly 
design. Such a threat was not likely to be disregarded, 
and the doctor was seized in an unguarded moment, 
and compelled to surrender. He was taken to the 
"Green-Mountain Tavern" in Bennington, (then kept 
by Captain Stephen Fay, and now occupied as a pri- 
vate residence by his grandson, Samuel Fay, Esq.,) 
where he was arraigned before the committee, who, 
not satisfied with his defense, sentenced him to a novel 
punishment, which was immediately inflicted. Before 
the door of the tavern stood a sign-post, twenty-flve 
feet high, the top of which was adorned with the skin 
of a catamount stuflfed to the size of life, with its head 
turned toward Albany, its jaws distended, and its for- 
midable teeth portending destruction to all who should 
approach from that direction. The contumacious 



184 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOTTNTAJN HEROES. 

doctor was tied into a chair, and drawn up to the top 
of the sign-post, where, according, to the decision of 
the court, he was to remain suspended for two hours. 
This occasioned great merriment to the large assem- 
blage which was present to witness the afikir, and so 
mortified Doctor Adams that he returned to his houso 
in silence, and thenceforward took no part in the 
controversy. 

It will be borne in mind, that the resolutions adopted 
by the conventions of the people were regarded as the 
law of the ]^ew-Hampshire Grants. Offenses against 
the dearest rights of the people, when they threatened 
to be attended with any degree of success, were pun- 
ished with commensurate severity. The case of Ben- 
jamin Hough will serve as an example of this. He 
was among those who applied to the assembly of New 
York for legislative aid against the Green-Moun- 
tain Boys, and was commissioned as a justice of the 
peace, on the very day that the assembly passed its 
sanguinary law and the governor, issued his offensive 
proclamation against the defenders of their mountain 
homes. Taking with him these documents, he returned 
to his residence in Clarendon, and undertook to estab- 
lish the authority of IsTew York. He was repeatedly 
warned not to act as a magistrate, but, being found 
incorrigible, was taken before the committee of safety 
at Sunderland. The committee ordered the resolution 
of the convention of the New-PIampshire Grants to be 
read, in which the holding of any ofiice, civil or mili- 
tary, under the colony of l^ew York, within that dis- 
trict, was declared to be penal. The prisoner confessed 
that he had been active in procuring the passage of 



hough's certificate. 185, 

the odious ISTew-York law, and in exercising his au- 
thority as a magistrate, but pleaded the jurisdiction of 
New York in justitication of Jiis conduct. The sentence 
of the committee was as follows : " That the prisoner 
be taken from the bar of this committee of safety, and 
be tied to a tree, and then, on his naked back, receive 
two hundred stripes ; his back being dressed, he should 
depart out of the district, and on return, without spe- 
cial leave of the convention, to suffer death." This 
sentence was carried into execution in the presence of 
a large concourse of people ; and at his request the 
following certificate was furnished for his future 
reference : — 

" Sunderland, 30th January, 1775. 

"This may certify the inhabitants of the New- 
Hampshire Grants, that Benjamin Hough hath this 
day received a full punishment for his crimes com- 
mitted against this country ; and our inhabitants are 
ordered to give him, the said Hough, a free and unmo- 
lested passport toward the city of New York, or to 
the Westward of our Grants, he behaving himself as 
becometh. 

" Given under our hands the day and date aforesaid. 

Ethan Allen, 
Seth Warner." 

When this paper was handed to Hough, Allen 
observed that the certificate, together with the receipt 
on his back, would, no doubt, be admitted as legal 
evidence before the supreme court and the governor and 
council of New York, although, in several instances, 
to his knowledge, the king's warrant to Governor 
Wentworth and his excellency's sign-manual, with the 
fijreat seal of the province of New Hampshire, would 



186 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTALN HEROES. 

not. Living, as we now do, in the enjoyment of jnet 
and equal laws, and in times when such penalties are 
never inflicted, it is no slight task to form a proper 
estimate of the measures now under review. Those 
who regard them as severe must bear in mind that, 
aside from the alternative of surrendering their farms, 
which their industry had made to blossom as the rose, 
or a determined resistance by force, the settlers on the 
New-Hampshire Grants were threatened with penalties 
the most inhuman, for endeavoring to defend the 
homes that were dear to them. "Let it not be said," 
remarks a distinguished Yermonter,* " that the inflic- 
tion of this barbarous punishment proves that the 
people of the Grants were less civilized than the peo- 
ple of other parts of New England ; for long afterward 
this relic of barbarism was found in the criminal code 
of all the states ; but a more advanced state of civili- 
zation has since broken np the habit by which it had 
been continued through generations of civilized man, 
and it has been exploded, never again to find a place 
in the code of any of the American states." Aside 
from the reasons heretofore given for retaliation on the 
part of the Green-Mountain Boys, it need not escape 
remembrance that as necessity drove them to resistance, 
60 sound polic}^ would naturally dictate that such re- 
sistance should be of a character to inspire a full and 
firm belief that it would be efiectual. Every prospect 
of reconciliation or submission to the claims of New 
York had vanished. The New-Hampshire grantees, 
believinfr the action of the New-York authorities to 
originate in the avarice of a set of speculators wl '^ 

* Hon. Daniel Chipiuan. 



PRIV'ATIONS OF THE PIONEERS. 187 

coveted their lands, and that the people of New 
York felt no disposition to aid in enforcing such 
claims — satisfied that the public sentiment was highly 
favorable to the riejbts of the settlers — and beinfy 
aware, from past experience, that the militia of the 
colony could never be induced to contend against 
them — regarded with contempt every threat or legal 
enactment intended to inspire terror. The idea of 
submission seems never for a moment to have occupied 
the attention of the handful of brave men against 
whom these measures were directed. Educated in the 
school of adversity, and inured to hardships and dan- 
gers, they met and sustained the shock with a firm, 
unbroken spirit. 

At the commencement of the controversy in regard 
to the jurisdiction of the JSTew-Hampshire Grants, the 
population of that district is supposed not to have 
exceeded three hundred families ; but in the year 1775 
the number of inhabitants was estimated at twenty 
thousand. The smoke of the settlers' cabins curled up 
from almost all the numerous, beautiful and fertile 
valleys which nestle amid the Green Mountains ; and 
the sound of the woodman's ax echoed from almost 
ever}^ hill-side. As is usually the case with the pio- 
neers of a new country, the early settlers of Vermont 
were poor, and wholly dependent upon their efforts for 
obtaining homes for themselves and families. Their 
descendants can scarcely realize the privations and 
suffermgs they endured in thus establishing themselves 
in the unbroken wilderness. In numerous instances, 
families proceeded to the farms they had purchased, 
miles from any other human habitation, and encamped 



188 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

in the forest until, by their own unaided efforts, they 
could erect log-cabins. Many of them traveled in 
canoes, or on foot, carrying their entire effects upon 
their backs. The heads of other families proceeded to 
their farms in the summer, erected cabins, cleared 
their lands, and in the winter brought their families to 
their rude and solitary homes. It was not uncommon 
for them to travel on foot, drawing their household 
utensils on "handsleds," and, frequently, when the 
wife was too feeble to endure these trials, the husband 
would draw her in this manner. A single family 
would thus move into a township, and reside months 
without seeing another human being. Mr. Amos Cut- 
ler, the first settler in the town of Brandon, spent an 
entire winter without seeing any other person ; and 
Mr. Abijah Wheelock, an early pioneer of Calais, after 
a flourishing town had grown up around him, would 
allude pleasantly to the hermit-life he had formerly 
endured, by asserting there had /been a time when he 
was the most respectable man in the town. The wife of 
Thomas Whitmore, the earliest settler in Marlborough, 
spent the most of one winter alone, her husband being 
absent on business. This lady lived to the advanced 
age of eighty-seven years, and saw a flourishing state 
grow up, where but a few scattered families resided 
when she entered the territory. Throughout her active 
years she performed the duties of a nurse ; and so 
indispensable was her assistance considered in that 
vicinity, in cases where the census of the new state 
was affected, that the good old lady was enabled to 
boast, in her declining years, that she had assisted at 
the birth of over two thousand children! 



A NEW TROUBLE-. 189 

The ]N"ew-IIampshire grantees were by no means so 
engrossed by their own troubles as to be indifi'erent to 
the policy pursued by the mother country toward her 
colonies in America. As the settlers were chiefly 
eraigra^nts from Connecticut and Massachusetts, they 
sympathized with the feelings of discontent which 
pervaded those colonies. Those residing on Connecti- 
cut river, who had surrendered their original charters, 
and taken out new grants under the broad seal of New 
York, and had submitted to the jurisdiction of that 
colony, were comparatively unconcerned spectators of 
that bitter controversy in which the grantees on the 
west side of the mountains were interested. But their 
freedom from participation in the angry contest be- 
tween the settlers and the governor of New York, 
gave them a better opportunity to understand and 
resist the tyrannical measures which England was 
preparing for the more complete subjection of the 
colonies. An event took place in the spring of the 
year 1775, in their midst, which served still further to 
arouse their detestation of the policy of the mother 
country. When, at a former day, the line was estab- 
lished between Massachusetts and Connecticut, many 
inhabitants, who had received grants of land from the 
former province, in compensation for their services 
against the French and Indians, found themselves 
thrown into the latter, and were required to abandon 
their possessions. The state of Massachusetts, with 
a commendable sense of justice, made them, in com- 
pensation, a grant of what is now the towns of Putney, 
Dummerston and Brattleborough, Vermont, — hence 
called, in those days, " the Equivalent Land," — and 



190 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOFNTAIN HEROES. 

their title, it is believed, was respected by New Hamp- 
shire. These men were of the old Puritan stock, and 
when, upon the conquest of Canada, in which they 
had aided, the British parliament established the 
Roman Catholic faith as the religion of that province, 
by an act called "the Quebec Bill," it was extremely 
exasperating to their feelings ; and one Lieutenant 
Spalding, of Dummerston, on one occasion, called the 
king "the Pope of Canada." This remark, which 
might have been wisely and judiciously passed over, 
was seized upon by the royal satellites, as a good 
oppoitunity to show their power, and Spalding was 
arrested for high treason, and imprisoned in the jail at 
Westminster. This was on the 28th of October, 1774, 
and on the 29th, a majority of the inhabitants of Dum- 
merston assembled and chose a committee of corre- 
spondence, "to join," in their ow^n language, "with 
other towns and respectable bodies of people, the bet- 
ter to secure and protect the rights and privileges of 
themselves and fellow-creatures from the ravages and 
embarrassments of the British tyrant and his New- 
York and other emissaries." This led to such concert 
that a large body of men from Dummerston, Putney, 
Guilford, Halifax and Draper, (now Wilmington,) pro- 
ceedied to Westminster, opened the door of the jail, and 
released Spalding from imprisonment. 

This brought the controversy to a point, and it now 
became manifest that, on the one side, if the roya] 
authority was to be upheld, the whole apparatus of 
executive and judicial power must be brought into 
play, numerous criminal proceedings instituted, and 
civil ejectments must follow ; and on the other, the 



EXCITEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. 



191 



abandonment of the proceedings must be compelled 
by the people, and the whole machinery of royal 
oppression resisted and stayed, at once and forever. 
Both parties prepared for the crisis ; and as the 
court was to hold its next session on the 14th of March, 
1775, at Westminster, they had about four months to 
make preparations and arrangements. On the 13th of 
March, 1775, they assembled at Westminster, the loyal 
officers of the county being supported by their adherents. 
The whigs, as they were then called, came also in con- 
siderable numbers, and having learned that it was the 
private intention of the royal party to get the first 
possession of the court-house, they placed therein about 
one hundred men, commanded by a captain of the 
militia, and determined to keep possession until their 
grievances were laid before the judges and redressed. 
Near the setting of the sun, the sheriff came with his 
posse^ part of whom were armed with muskets, and 
d^'^anded admittance; which was refused, unless he 
would order his men to lay aside their arms. About 
ten o'clock at night, the chief justice came among 
them, and assuring their captain that no attempt 
should be made to molest them until morning, the 
latter withdrew the principal part of his force, leav- 
ing only a small body of men, armed with bludgeons ; 
among whom was William French, a young farmer, 
not twenty-two years of age, who lived in Brattle- 
borough. The people of that town, who lived in his 
immediate neighborhood, were of the opposite party, 
and, indeed, some of them were in the sheriff's band ; 
that officer being himself an inhabitant of the town. 
French, who generally acted with his friends in Dum 



192 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES- 

merston, appears, though holding no official station, to 
have been much esteemed for his honesty, bravery and 
patriotism ; and the treatment he afterward received 
from his opponents, sufficiently attests how much they 
feared his influence. About eleven oxlock at night, the 
persons appointed to watch reported that the sheriflf, 
with an armed force, was approaching, and means were 
taken to prevent his coming into the house. 

When he came up, he again demanded entrance, 
and was refused as before. He then ordered his men 
to fire, which they did by aiming above the heads of 
the people within ; but finding that this produced no 
effect, he repeated his order, and the muskets were 
leveled and discharged with such efiect, that the de- 
fenders were driven back, and the assailants rushed 
into the house, and commenced a horrid butchery upon 
the defenseless men. William French, in lacing them, 
received five bullet-wounds in different places : in his 
thigh, leg, mouth, face and forehead. Several others 
were severely wounded ; and one, Daniel Houghton, 
was shot through the body, and after lingering a few 
days, expired. About twenty, who had not retreated, 
including the wounded, were seized and inhumanly 
thrust into prison ; and the bleeding body of the dying 
French was dragged to the prison-door, and thrown 
in among them, with circumstances of the most cruel 
insult and brutality. 

The court was opened at the usual hour on the next 
morning, with something like triumphal ceremony, and 
adjourned formally until three o'clock in the afternoon. 
But that court never reassembled. The news of the 
murder spread with great rapidity, and before the 



WILLIAM FRENCH. 193 

appointed hour, the people were rushing to the scene 
from all directions. The principal aggressors took 
the alarm, and fled precipitately. Ou the 15th of 
March, an inquest was held on the body of French, 
and on the same day it was committed -to the ground^ 
n the common burial-place at Westminster — the mili- 
tia from the neighboring towns attending, and firing 
volleys over his grave. A tombstone was soon brought 
from Dummerston, bearing an inscription peculiarly 
illustrative of the times, and placed at the head, 
where it still remains. Being of slate, taken from 
the quarry near his residence, it is not of the most 
enduring character, but quite liable to injury and 
decay. For, while the face of the stone retains to 
this day the "rude but emphatic inscription," the rains 
and snows of nearly eighty winters, lodging on tho 
top, have percolated between the layers, and partially 
separated them; so that, if they had not been re- 
tained together by a small rivet of lead, inserted 
oy no one knows who or when, the whole must lonj* 
duce have crumbled and been lost.* "With the buria^ 



• The following is a literal copy of the inscription upon the «1 * 
nonument: 

In Memory of "William French 
Son of Mr Nathaniel French Who 
"Was shot at Westminster March ye I3th 
1775 by the hands of Cruel Ministereal 
tools of George ye 3d in the Corthouse at 
alia Clock at Night in the 22d year of 

his Age 

Here William French his Body lies 

9 



194 ETHAI^' ALT.EN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

of William French, were buried the hopes of subju- 
gacifig the men who dwelt on the hills and in the 
valicjts cf the Green Mountains. The spirit of re- 
sisting oppression to the last extremity, awakened by 
his death, was never extinguished ; and within two 
years from that time, there was proclaimed from the 
same building in which he was martyred, the decla- 
raticTi of the independence of Yermont. 

HiiTfilv irritated by the massacre of William French, 
a committee of the larger portion of the people on the 
east side of the Green Mountains met at Westminster, 
i\pril 11, 1775, and adopted the following resolution : 
"Voted, that it is the duty of said inhabita^^ts, as 
predicated on the eternal and immutable law of self- 
preservation, to wholly renounce and resist the admin- 
istriitioD of the government of ]S"ew York, till such time 
as the lives and property of those inhabitants may 
be secured by it ; or till such time as they can have 
opportunity to lay their grievances before his most 
gracious Majesty in council, together with a proper 
remor.sLfcii'iwy against the unjustifiable conduct of that 
govenifiibuj, with an humble petition to be taken out 
of so oppressive a jurisdiction, and either annexed to 
some otner government, or erected and incorporated 
into a new one, as may appear best ^o the said inhab- 
itants, to the royal wisdom and clemency, and till 
Buch time as his Majesty shall settle this controversy." 

For Murder his blood for Vengance cries 
King Georg the third his Tory crew 
tha with a bawl his head Shot threw 
For Liberty and his Countrys Good 
he Lost his Life his Dearest blood 



SUSPENSION OF THE CONTROVERSY. 195 

What would have been the final result of the con- 
troversy with New York, had not the attention of 
the people been diverted from the subject by one of 
greater importance, can only be conjectured. But a 
higher and more momentous controversy, involving 
the independence of the whole American people, 
was brought before them, and they forgot their land 
difficulties, their "beech-seal" certificates, and their 
midnight riots. 



/ 



CHAPTEK III. 

ETHAN ALLEN". 

"The mountains green that witnessed first his fame. 
From rocks to rocks resounded far his name. 
As the tough horn-beam, (peering o'er those rocks, 
With gnarled grain the riving thunder mocks. 
Indignant Allen, manacled in vain, 
With soul revolting, bit the British chain." 

HUMPHBKTS. 

The American Eevolution called forth the latent 
energies of many individuals, who would, in a more 
peaceable state of political alfairs, have slumbered in 
obscurity, and gone down to the grave unhonored and 
unknown. The very nature of the policy of Great 
Britain toward this country — a policy every way 
tyrannical and oppressive — was calculated to call into 
action the efforts of every friend of liberty. It was an 
attempt to strip the people of their rights, and manacle 
them with the fetters of slavery. But, thanks to the 
spirit which prevailed among our fathers — thanks to 
the patriotism which then warmed the hearts of the 
people — the mercenaries of a foreign power were 
unequal to the task of accomplishing the designs of 
their masters. True-hearted volunteers rallied to the 
calls of the brave and wise men of our country, 
imbued with a spirit worthy of the little band which 
defended the pass of Thermopylae. They fought and 
conquered; and their declining years were cheered 



ETHAN ALLEN. 197 

witli the knowledge that the country for which they 
had struggled so long and fearfully, was prosperous 
and happy, and that their deeds were gratefully 
remembered. 

Perhaps no individual, of equal advantages, and in 
the station he occupied, contributed more toward 
establishing the independence of our country, than 
Ethan Allen. The mass of the people among whom 
he resided, were rude and uncultivated ; yet bold in 
spirit, and zealous in action. It consequently followed, 
that no one but a man of strong natural endowments — 
of much decision, energy and bravery^could control 
their prejudices and inclinations. Habit had rendered 
them familiar with danger, and impatient of restraint : 
hence it followed, that no policy, unless proceeding 
from a source in which they had confidence, ever 
gained their approbation. Upon Allen, whose courage 
was undoubted, and whose zealous devotion to their 
interests was universally acknowledged, they implicitly 
relied. They had known him in adversity and pros- 
perity — they had weighed him, and found nothing 
lacking. To friend or foe, he was ever the same 
unvieldinor advocate of the rights of man, and uni- 
versal lil)erty. The policy, therefore, he upheld, as 
beneficial to the common cause of American liberty, 
ever found strong and efficient supporters in the 
friends with whom he associated, and by whom he 
was known. 

From the commencement of our revolutionary 
struggle until its final close, Ethan Allen proved a 
zealous and strenuous supporter of the cause. Whether 
in the field or council — whether at home, a freeman 



198 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 

among the mountains of Yermont, or loaded with tho 
manacles of despotism in a foreign country, his spirit 
never quailed beneath the sneer of the tory, or the 
harsh threats of insolent authority. A stranger to 
fear, his opinions were ever given without disguise or 
hesitation ; and, an enemy to oppression, he sought 
every opportunity to redress the wrongs of the op- 
pressed. It is not to be supposed, however, that he 
was faultless. Like other men, he had his errors — 
like other men, his foibles : yet he was not willfully 
stubborn in either. When convinced of an erroneous 
position, he was ever willing to yield ; but, in theory, 
as in practice, he contested every inch of ground ; and 
only yielded, when he had no weapons left to meet 
his antagonist. This trait in his character serves, at 
least, to prove that he was honest in his conclusions, 
however erroneous the premises from which they 
were deduced. 

The period at which we have now arrived in the 
Jife of Ethan Allen, places him in a more conspicuous 
and interesting position before the reader. Heretofore 
he has been seen only as the zealous friend of the 
section in which he resided — as the champion of 
the humble citizen, contending for the rights of indi- 
vidual property, and private justice. In these offices 
of friendship and duty, however, he had ever tlie con- 
fidence and the esteem of his neighbors. He had 
evinced a spirit of patriotism, and a love of freedom, 
which warmly recommended him to the notice and 
the admiration of the most determined and able 
advocates of American liberty. That he should have 
been selected, therefore, as the leader in an enterprise 



REVIEW OF COLONIAL HISTOliY. 199 

t)f tbe Iiighest moment to the cause of liberty, was 
alike due to his principles, his services, and his 
position. 

A hasty glance at the posture of affairs at this 
juncture, however well tlie reader may be acquainted 
with it, cannot be improper. During the seventy -one 
years from 1689 to 1760, the colonies were involved 
in four wars, occupying, in all, twenty-seven years ; 
not to allnde to the interminable hostilities which raged 
between Ihcm and the Indian tribes, along their 
frontier Rettlements. Yet, in this period, the popula- 
tion had increased from two hundred thousand to 
about three millions. The arts and manufactures, 
being opposed by the mother country, made but little 
progress ; but there was a steady advancement in 
ao'riculture. Trade and commerce had gone on greatly 
increasing — so much that, in the ten years preceding 
the revolutionary war, the average annual exports, to 
Great Britain and elsewhere, amounted to four million 
pounds sterling, and the imports, to three and a half 
millions. In the mean time, colleges, and other supe- 
rior institutions of learning, had been established in 
nearly all the colonies, and popular instruction pro- 
vided for, especially in New England. The country 
was advancing in intellectual culture; and, more than 
all, the necessity of uniting for the common defense, 
and the intercourse of the colonies that grew out of it, 
liad tended to create a national spirit, which the events 
of the twelve years succeeding the peace of 1760, still 
further developed and strengthened. 

The colonists, from the first, always cherished a 
jealous sense of their rights. As early as the middle 



200 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN ILEliOES. 

of the seventeenth century, it was a settled doctrine 
among them, that the authority of parliament was 
limited to the regulation of trade, and that taxes 
could not be imposed upon them without their own 
consent. Previous, indeed, to the peace of Paris, the 
home government had never attempted to interfere 
with internal taxation. Por a century, however, be- 
fore that event, a variety of restrictions had, from 
time to time, been imposed upon the trade of the colo- 
nies ; the object of which was to oblige the colonists 
to buy and sell exclusively in the English markets. 
Colonial manufactures were also, in every possible 
way, discouraged. These restrictions produced much 
discontent. In 1764, the first act avowedly for the 
purpose of raising a revenue in America was passed 
in parliament. This was followed, the next year, by 
the famous "stamp act," making illegal all deeds, 
mortgages, bonds, notes, and other instruments of a 
like character, unless written upon stamped paper, 
upon which a duty to the crown was imposed, varying 
in amount with the transaction which they represented. 
These acts excited great displeasure throughout the 
colonies; and in October, 1765, a congress of delegates 
from Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New 
York, New Jersey, Maryland, and North and South 
Carolina, met at New York, and passed several reso- 
lutions, acknowledging the rightful authority of parlia- 
ment, but denouncing the stamp act, and other 
enactments of the kind, as subversive of the just 
rights and liberties of the colonists, as natural-born 
Englis-h subjects. The proceedings of this body were 
sanctioned l>y ail the colonies. The public indignation. 



RESISTANCE TO TAXATION. 201 

inflamed by newspapers, pamphlets, and popular meet- 
ings, rose to the highest pitch. Combinations were 
everywhere formed, to abstain from usinor articles of 
British manufacture, and, in every way, to oppose the 
measures of the home government. The officers ap- 
pointed under the stamp act were, in many places, 
insulted, abused, and forced to resign ; and when the 
time arrived for the act to go into operation, neither 
stamps nor stamp-officers were to be found. Business 
of all kinds requiring stamps, was, for a time, sus- 
pended ; law-proceedings were stayed, and the courts 
were closed. The next year the stamp act was re- 
pealed ; although the repeal was accompanied by a 
declaration of the "right of ]»arliament to bind the 
colonies in all cases whatsoever." In a few months 
from this time, a new ministry came into power, and a 
new plan for taxing America was introduced into 
parliament: that of levying a tax on glass, paper, 
pasteboard, painters' colors, and tea, imported into 
the colonies. To enforce this law, a body of troops 
was sent out, and quartered in Boston. Tliese meas- 
ures produced great exasperation in the colonies, and 
led to combinations against using the articles subjected 
to duty. In 1770, this act was repealed, with the ex- 
ception of the duty on tea. The colonists were only 
the more decided in renouncing the use of that article. 
An act of parliament was passed in 1773, allowing 
the East-India company a remission of certain govern- 
ment charges on the tea they should send to America, 
which would enable them to sell tea to the colonists 
cheaper than they could sell it in England. This wae 
done with the hope of inducing the colonists to return 



202 KTilAN ALLKN AND GREEN-MOUNTAI^ UEK0K8. 

to the use of the article. In this submission to the tax 
upon tea, it was expected that the principle, that 
parliament had a right to tax the colonists, would be 
adopted ; and the way would be open for indiscrimi 
nute and oppressive taxation. Large shipments of tea 
were accordingly made ; but the Americans refused to 
pay the slight duty upon it. The cargoes sent to New 
York and Philadelphia, were not suffered to be 
landed ; in Charleston, it was not allowed to be sold ; 
and, at Boston, it was thrown into the harbor, by a 
party of men disguised as Indians. These proceedings 
excited the tierce displeasure of the British govern- 
ment, especially against Boston ; and in March, 1774, 
"the Boston port bill," so called, was passed, prohibit- 
ing all commercial intercourse with that city. Another 
bill subverted the charter-government of Massachu- 
setts, vesting the appointment of the council and 
judges in the crown ; and a third, shortly after, em- 
powered the governor to send persons indicted for 
capital oflenses, to another colony, or to Great Britain, 
for trial. These violent proceedings awakened the 
greatest indignation throughout tlie colonies. All 
made common cause with Massachusetts. In the fall 
of 177-i, a general congress met at Philadelphia, and 
adopted a declaration of rights and grievances, and 
ao-reed to an entire suspension of all commercial inter- 
course with Great Britain, until the repeal of the acts 
of which they complained. They likewise voted an 
address to the king; another to the people of Great 
Britain, and a third to the inhabitants of Canada. 
These peaceful measures for redress proving in- 
effectual, the feeling of the neco, sity of resisting by 



BLOODSHED AT LEXINGTON. 203 

force became quite general in the colonies. Prepara- 
tions began to be made ; warlike stores were collected, 
and the people began to arm. In Massachusetts, 
Governor Gage had convoked the legislative asscnibly, 
but afterward judged it expedient to countermand the 
meeting. Notwithstanding this, the assembly con- 
vened, and, the governor not appearing, organized 
themselves, and adopted a plan for the defense of tjae 
province. They resolved to raise a force of twelve 
thousand men, and to request the other New-England 
Btates to increase the number to twenty thousand. 
Early the next year, (1775) parliament, in spite of the 
conciliatory counsels of the Earl of Chatham, pro- 
ceeded to pass a bill restraining still further the trade 
of Kew England. Soon after, restrictions were im- 
posed upon the middle and southern colonies, except 
New York, Delaware, and North Carolina. These 
exceptions were made with a view to produce dissen- 
eions among the colonies ; but it failed of its object. 
This brings us to the commencement of actual hos- 
tilities. General Gage, the royal governor of Massa- 
chusetts, sent a detachment of eight hundred soldiers 
to destroy some military stores which were deposited 
at Concord. On their way, they arrived at Lexington, 
on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, where they 
found a company of provincial militia assembled on 
parade. This company, not instantly obeying an or- 
der to throw down their arms and disperse, were 
fired upon, and eight of their number killed. The 
detachment proceeded to Concord, and destroyed th^ 
stores, though not without opposition and bloodshed; 
But the spirit of the people was up ; and On iholf 



W4: ETHAN ALLEJS' AND GKEEN-MOUNTATN HEKOES. 

return to Boston, the British were harassed the whole 
way, and continually fired upon from behind walls, 
buildings and fences. The British loss, in killed, 
wounded and missing, amounted to nearly three 
hundred ; the American, to less than one-third of that 
number. 

The vigilant patriots of Massachusetts, tlien the 
very hot-bed of rebellion, early perceived the neces- 
sity of securing Ticonderoga the moment hostilities 
should commence. Early in March, 1T75, Samuel 
Adams and Joseph Warren, members of the com- 
mittee of correspondence of Boston, sent a secret 
agent into Canada, to ascertain the opinions and 
temper of the people of that province, concerning the 
great questions at issue, and the momentous events 
then pending. After a diligent but cautious per- 
formance of this delicate task, the agent sent word to 
them from Montreal, that the people were, at best, 
lukewarm ; and advised that, the moment hostilities 
commenced, Ticonderoga and its. garrison should be 
seized. This advice was coupled with the positive 
assertion, that the people of the New-Hampshire 
Grants were ready to undertake the bold enterprise. 
Within three weeks after this information was received 
by Adams and Warren, the battle of Lexington 
occurred. This event aroused the whole country, 
and the patriots flocked from all quarters to Boston. 
The provincial assembly of Connecticut was then in 
session, and a plan was there concerted for surprising 
Ticonderoga, and seizing tlie cannon in that fortress 
for the use of the army then gathering in the vicinity 
of Boston. The whole p. an and proceedings were 



EXPEDITION AGAINST TICONDEKOGA. 205 

of a private character, without the public sanction 
of the assembly, but with its full knowledge and 
tacit approbation. A committee was appointed, with 
instructions to proceed to the frontier towns, inquire 
into the state of the garrison, and, should they deem 
it expedient, raise men and take possession of it. 
Eighteen hundred dollars were supplied by the pro- 
vincial territory, to purchase arms and ammunition, 
and defray the other expenses of the expedition. On 
their way to Bennington, to lay their plans before 
Ethan Allen and secure his cooperation, they en 
listed between fort}'- and fifty volunteers, among whom 
was Colonel James Easton, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts. 
On arriving at Bennington, they found that Ethan 
Allen was already preparing to accomplish the pro- 
posed object. He was chosen the commander of the 
expedition ; Colonel Easton was appointed second in 
command, and Seth Warren, the third. Colonel 
Allen's Green-Mountain Boys, to the number of two 
hundred and thirty, were speedily in readiness, and 
on the 7th of May the little army reached Castleton. 
It was there decided that Colonel Allen and the 
principal officers, with the main body of their forces, 
consisting of about one hundred and forty men, 
should march directly to Shoreham, opposite to 
Ticonderoga ; that Captain Herrick, with thirty men, 
should keep on to Skenesborough, (now Whitehall,) 
at the head of Lake Champlain, seize the establish- 
ment of Major Skene, and hasten with the boats and 
stores they might capture, to join Allen at Shoreham ; 
and that Captain Drylas should proceed to Panton, 
and secure every boat or bateau that should fall in 



206 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

his way. They were joined at Castleton by Colonel 
Benedict Arnold, who, in the French wars, had 
greatly distinguished himself, at the battles in the 
vicinity of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Possess- 
ing great genius, a restless character, and an intre- 
pidity bordering upon madness, he seems to have 
conceived the same plan. To this end, he had con- 
ferred with the committee of safety of Massachusetts, 
who appointed him colonel, with authority to enlist 
volunteers for the attempt to capture Ticonderoga. 
In pursuance of this arrangement he proceeded to 
Castleton, and his surprise was extreme at finding 
himself anticipated. But, as nothing could delight 
him more than to engage in this hazardous service 
he consented, after beings assured that the Green 
Mountain Boys would serve only under their favorite 
leader, to put himself under the command of Colonel 
Allen. It was deemed essential to the success of 
the enterprise, that it should be conducted with pro- 
found secrecy, and sentinels were posted upon all the 
roads, to prevent any rumor of their approach from 
reaching the menaced point. Allen, with his little 
army, reached Shoreham, opposite Ticonderoga, on 
the night of May 9th, 1775. It was important to 
have a guide who was acquainted with the grounds 
around the fortress, and the places of access. Allen 
made inquiries as to those points, of Mr. Beman, a 
fiirmer residing on the shore of the lake. He replied 
that he seldom crossed to Ticonderoga, and had no 
8pe<jial knowledge in regard to the internal arrange- 
ment of the fortress ; but that his son Nathan, a young 
lad, passed much of his time there in company with 



ATTACK ON TICONDEROGA. 207 

the boys of the garrison. Nathan was called, and ap 
peared by his answers to be familiar with every part 
of the fort, and every passage by which it could be 
approached. In the opinion of Ethan Allen, he was 
the very person to guide him in the enterprise; and by 
the consent of his father, and a little persuasion, Na- 
than Beman was engaged for that purpose. But a 
serious difficulty now occurred. They had but a few 
boats, and none had been sent from Skenesborough or 
Panton. The day began to dawn, and only the officers 
and eighty-three men had crossed the lake. Delay 
was hazardous, for the garrison, if aroused, would 
make stout resistance. Allen, therefore, resolved not 
to wait for the rear division to cross, but to attack the 
fort at once. He drew up his men in three ranks upon' 
the shore, and in low but distinct tones, briefly ha- 
rangued them; and then, placing himself at their head, 
with Arnold by his side, they marched quickly but 
stealthily up the height to the sally-port. The sentinel 
snapped his fusee at the commander, but it missed 
fire, and he retreated within the fort under a covered 
way. The Americans followed close upon his heels, 
and were thus guided by the alarmed fugitive directly 
to the parade within the barracks. There another 
sentinel made a thrust at Colonel Easton, but a blow 
upon the head from Allen's sword made him beg fur 
quarter, and the patriots met with no further resist- 
ance. As they rushed into the parade, they gave a 
tremendous shout, and filing ofi' into two divisions, 
formed a line of forty men along each of the two ranges 
of barracks. The aroused garrison leaped from their 
pallets, seized their arms and rushed for the parade, 



208 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

but only to be made prisoners by the intrepid I^ew- 
Englanders. Allen demanded to be shown to the 
apartment of Captain Delaplace, the commandant of 
the garrison. It was pointed out, and Colonel Allen, 
with Nathan Beman at his elbow, who knew the way, 
hastily ascended the stairs, which were attached to the 
outside of the barracks, and called out with a voice of 
thunder at the door, ordering the astonished captain 
instantly to appear, or the whole garrison should be 
sacrificed ! Startled at so strange and unexpected a 
summons, he sprung from his bed and opened the dooi», 
when the first salutation of his boisterous and unsea- 
sonable visitor was an order immediately to surrender 
the fort. Rubbing his eyes and trying to collect his 
scattered senses, the captain asked by what authority 
he presumed to make such a demand. "In the name 
of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress !" 
replied Allen."^ The commandant began to remon- 
strate, but Colonel Allen cut short the thread of his 
discourse by lifting his sword over his head, and reit- 
erating the demand for an immediate surrender. Ilav- 
ing neither permission to argue nor power to resist, 
Captain Delaplace submitted, ordering his men to pa- 
»rade without arms, and the garrison was given up to 

* This is the language of Allen as given by himself in his narrative. 
But it was asserted by those who stood near him, that his demand was 
enforced by an emphatic oath. Lossing [see "Field-Book of the Revo- 
lution,"] was told by the surviving brother of a man named Rice, who 
stood at Allen's side, that he exclaimed, " In the name of the Great Je- 
hovah and the Continental Congress, by ." " Delaplace." says 

Lossing, " had about as much r'^spect for the 'Continental Congrofis ' as 
Allen had for 'Jehovah,' and they respectively relied upon ai.a feared 
powder and ball more thau either." 



OAPTUEE OF CEOWN POINT. 209 

the victors. It is a singular fact that the " Continental 
Congress," instead of authorizing Allen to take Ticon- 
deroga, were entirely ignorant of the enterprise, and 
did not meet for organization until six hours after the 
surrender of the fortress. This achievement, besides 
being the first on the part of the patriots, was of tlie 
utmost importance. Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
commanded the great avenue between Canada and 
the other colonies, and its possession gave the Ameri- 
cans facilities for the subsequent brilliant campaign in 
Canada, and the military spoils taken by Allen were 
of incalculable benefit to the army near Boston. 
These spoils consisted of one hundred and twenty 
pieces of iron cannon, fifty swivels, ten tons of musket- 
balls, three cart-loads of flints, thirty new carriages, a 
considerable quantity of shells, a warehouse full of 
material for boat-building, and a large quantity of 
other stores. 

Warner crossed the lake with the rear division, and 
marched up to the fort just after the surrender was 
made. He was immediately dispatched against Crown 
Point, but a strong head-wind drove his boats back, 
and he returned to Ticonderoga. He renewed the 
attempt on the 12th of May, and succeeded in obtain- 
ing possession of the fortress without bloodshed. Thus 
another strong position was secured, and a great addi- 
tion was made to the munitions of war acquired at Ti- 
conderoga. Previous to this affair. Colonel Allen had 
sent a messenger to Captain Remember Baker, who 
was at Winooski River, requesting him to join the army 
at Ticonderoga with as large a number of men as be 
could assemble. Baker obeved the summons : and 



210 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

when he was coming up the lake with his party, he 
met two small boats, which had been dispatched from 
Crown Point to carry intelligence of the reduction of 
Ticonderoga to St. John's and Montreal, and solicit re- 
inforcements. The boats were seized by Baker, and 
he arrived at Crown Point just in time to unite with 
Warner in taking possession of that post. Thus the 
main object of the expedition was attained ; but the 
troubles of the leaders were not at an end. Is^o sooner 
had the fort surrendered, than Arnold assumed the 
command, affirming that he was the only officer in- 
vested with legal authority. His pretensions were not 
heeded, and although he was vehement and positive, 
yet it was in vain to issue orders which nobody would 
obey ; and finally he consented to a sort of divided 
control between Colonel Allen and himself, he acting 
as a subordinate, but not wholly without official con- 
sideration. 

But the plan of the captors of Ticonderoga would 
not have been complete had they hot secured to them- 
selves the exclusive control of the lake, to accom])li.-h 
which it was necessary to take a corvette tlie Eng- 
lish kept stationed near St. John's at the nortli end of 
Lake Champlain. They resolved, therefore, to arm a 
schooner, (taken at Skenesborough) for the purpose, 
the command of which was given to Arnold, while 
Allen was to follow him in flat-boats with a reinforce- 
ment. The wind blowing fresh from the south, the 
vessel of Arnold left the flat-boats far in the rear. He 
approached the corvette unexpectedly, the captain of 
which was far from apprehending the danger that 
menaced him, and took possession of it without 



PKEPAKATIONS FOE THE WAR. 211 

resistance ; and, as if Ileaven was pleased to distin- 
guish with evident tokens of its favor these first 
achievements of the Americans, the wind suddenly 
changed from south to north, so that, in a few hours, 
"Colonel Arnold returned safely to Ticonderoga. 

Colonel Allen exhibited great discretion in his new 
position. An account of his expedition was sent to 
the Massachusetts, Connecticut and New- York com- 
mittees of safety, with an urgent solicitation for a re- 
inforcement of his brave little army, and a supply of 
provisions. These were accordingly sent, and meas- 
ures were taken to organize an army at the north for 
the defense of Lake Champlain. In the accomplish- 
ment of this object, and in the hope of having an ex- 
pedition sent against Montreal and Quebec, Allen vis- 
ited the provincial Congress at ISTe^ York, as well as 
the general Congress at Philadelphia. Some opposition 
was made to his appearance before the former of these 
bodies, on account of the troubles existing between 
New York and the New-Hampshire Grants, and the 
prominent part taken by Allen in the hostilities result- 
ing from them. But the majority felt the importance 
of forgetting local controversies in the impending con- 
test with the mother country, and Ethan Allen was 
treated with the cordiality due to one engaged with 
them in a great cause, and with the distinction merited 
by one whose services had been of the most important 
character. Allen's representation had immense influ- 
ence, not only in favor of his projects for the conquest 
of the British army in Canada, but in fixing the de- 
termination of Congress and the country to resist, by 
force of arms, the tyrannical measures of the British 



212 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

government. "While on his way to lay his schemes 
before the Continental Congress, he visited Bennington, 
•where the Rev. Mr. Dewey preached, before him and 
other officers, a sermon on the capture of Ticonderoga. 
In his prayer, Mr. Dewey, with much fervor, poured- 
forth his thanks, to the Lord for having given the pos- 
session of this important fortress into the hands of a 
people struggling for the defense of their dearest 
rights. Allen was displeased, and as the preacher 
continued in this strain of thanksgiving, the bluff old 
hero cried out, "Parson Dewey!'' The reverend o-en- 
tleman gave no heed to the iiiterrti prion. Allen ex- 
claimed still louder, "Parson Dewey!" But as the 
minister pursued his prayer, Allen sprung to his feet 
and roared out in a voice of thunder, " Parson Dew^ey ! " 
The clergyman opened his eyes and gazed with aston- 
ishment at Allen. The latter then said with great 
energy, "Parson Dewey, please make mention of iny 
Leins: there!'- * 

But Ethan Allen, who has the imperishable honor of 
achieving the first momentous enterprise in the his- 
tory of the American lievolution, had the misfortune, 
soon afterward, to fall into the hands of the British, 
and to be carried a prisoner to England. The narra- 
tive of this captivity, written by Allen after his return 
to Vermont, w^ill form the remainder of the ]^resent 
chapter, in order that the subsequent history of the 
part taken by the Green-Mountain Heroes in the 
Kevolution, may be given without interruption. The 

•This anecdote is given on tlie authority of Aaron Robinson, Esq., 
son of Moses Robinson, the second governor of Vermont, and is un« 
doubtedlj authentic 



NAERATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 213 

•* Narrative" was first published in 1779. "The critic," 
he says in the original Preface, " will be pleased to ex- 
cuse any inaccuracies in the performance itself, as 
the author has unfortunately missed of a liberal edu- 
cation." The Narrative, the faults of which the author 
60 happily excuses, is here republished, without alter- 
ation, from • the original edition: 

NARRATIVE. 

Ever since I arrived at the state of manhood, and 
acquainted myself with the general history of mankind, 
1 have felt a sincere passion for liberty. The history 
of nations, doomed to perpetual slavery, in consequence 
of yielding up to tyrants their nntural-born liberties, I 
read with a sort of philosophical horror; so that the 
first systematica] and bloody attempt, at Lexington, to 
enslave America, thoroughly electrified my mind, and 
fully determined me to take part with my country. 
And, while I was wishing fur an opportunity to signal- 
ize myself in its behalf, directions were privately sent 
to me from the then colony, (now state) of Connecti- 
cut, to raise the Green-Mountain Boys, and, if possible, 
with them to surprise and take the fortress of Ticonde- 
roga. This enterprise I cheerfully undertook ; and, 
after first guarding all the several passes that led 
tliither, to cut ofi" all intelligence between the garrison 
and the country, made a forced march from Benning- 
ton, and arrived at the lake opposite to Ticonderoga, 
on the evening of the ninth day of May, 1775, with 
two hundred and thirty valiant Green-Mountain Buys; 
and it was with the utmost difiiculty that I procured 
boats to cross the lake. However, I landed eighty- 
tliree men near the garrison, and sent the boats back 
for the rear guard, commanded by Col. Seth Warner, 
but the day began to dawn, and I found myself under 
the necessity to attack the fort, before the rear could 
cross the lake; and, as it was viewed hazardous, I 
harangued the ofiicers and soldiers in the mannef 
following : — 



214 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOEg. 

"Friends and fellow soldiers, You have, for a num 
ber of years past been a scourge and terror to arbitrary 
power. Your valor has been famed abroad, and ac- 
knowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to 
me, from the General Assembly of Connecticut, to 
sui'prise and take the garrison now before us. I now 
propose to advance before you, and, in person, conduct 
you through the wicket-gate ; for we must this morning 
either quit our pretensions to valor, or posse'ss ourselves 
of this fortress in a few minutes; and, inasmuch as it 
is a desperate attempt, which none but the bravest of 
men dare undertake, I do not urge it on any contrary 
to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily, poise 
your firelocks." 

The men being, at this time, drawn up in three ranks, 
each poised his tirelock. I ordered them to face to the 
riglit, and at the head of the centre-file, marched them 
immediately to the wicket-gate aforesaid, where I found 
a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at 
me; 1 ran immediately towards him, and he retreated 
through the covered way into the parade within the 
garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb-prouf. . 
My party, who followed me into the fort, I foi'mod on 
the parade in such a manner as to face the two bar- 
racks which faced each other. 

Tiie garrison being asleep, except the sentrleg, we 
gave three huzzas which greatly surprised them. One 
of the sentries made a pass at one of my officers with 
a charged bayonet, and slightly wounded him : My 
first thought was to kill him with my sword ; but, in 
an instant, I altered the design and fury of the blow 
to a slight cut on the side of the head, upon which he 
dropped his gun, and asked quarter, which 1 readily 
granted him, and demanded of him the place where 
tlie commanding officer kept; he showed me a pair 
of stairs in the front of a barrack, on the west part of 
he garrison, which led up to a second story in said 
oarrack, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered 
he commander, Capt. De la Place, to come forth in- 
stantly, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison ; at 
.vhich the Capt. came immediately to the door, with 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'r CAPTIYlTi. 215 

his breeches in his hand ; when I ordered him to 
deliver me the fort instantly; he asked me by what 
authority I demanded it: 1 answered him^ '•^ Iti the 
naine of the great Jehovah^ and the Continental 
Congress^"* The authority of the Congress being very 
litle known at that time, he began to speak again ; but 
I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword over 
his head, again demanded an immediate surrender of 
the garrison ; with which he then complied, and ordered 
his men to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he 
had given up the garrison. In the mean time some 
of my officers had- given orders, and in consequence 
thereof, sundry of the barrack doors were beat down, 
and about one third of the garrison imprisoned, which 
-3onsisted of the said commander, a Lieut. Feltham, a 
conductor of artillery, a gunner, two Serjeants, and 
forty-four rank and tile ; about one hundred pieces of 
cannon, one thirteen inch mortar, and a number of 
Bwivels. This surprise was carried into execution in 
the grey of the morning of the tenth of May, ] 775. The 
sun seemed to rise that morning with a superior lustre ; 
and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled to its 
conquerors, who tossed about the flowing bowl, and 
wished success to Congress, and the liberty and freedom 
of America. Happy it was for me, at that time, that 
the tlien future pages of the book of fate, which after- 
wards unfolded a miserable scene of two years and 
eight months imprisonment were hid from mj^ view. 

But to return to my narrative : Col. Warner, with 
the rear guard, crossed the lake, and joined me early 
in the morning, whom I sent off, without loss of time 
with about one hundred men, to take possession of 
Crown Point, which was garrisoned with a Serjeant 
and twelve men ; which he took possession of the same 
day, as also of upwards of one hundred pieces of can- 
non. But one thing now remained to be done, to make 
ourselves complete masters of lake Champlain ; this 
was to possess ourselves of a sloop of war, which was 
then lying at St. Johns ; to effect which, it was agreed 
in a council of war, to arm and man out a certain 
schooner, which lay at South Bay, and that Capt. (now 

• 10 



216 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOJSS. 

geDeral) Arnold should command her, and that I should 
command the batteaux. The necessary preparations 
being made, we set sail from Ticonderoga, in quest of 
the sloop, which Was much larger, and carried more 
guns and heavier metal than the schooner. General 
Arnold, with the schooner, sailing faster than the bat- 
teaux, arrived at St. Johns ; and by surprise, possessed 
himself of the sloop, before I could arrive with the 
batteaux : He also made prisoners of a serjeant and 
twelve men, who were garrisoned at that place. It is 
worthy of remark that as soon as General Arnold had 
secured the prisoners on board, and had made prepara- 
tion for sailing, the wind, which but a few hours before 
was fresh in the south, and well served to carry us to 
St. Johns, now shifted, and came fresh from the north ; 
and in about one hour's time. General Arnold sailed 
with the prize and schooner for Ticonderoga. When 
I met him with my party, within a few miles of St. 
Johns, he saluted me with a discharge of cannon, which 
I returned with a volley of small arms. This being 
repeated three times, I went on board the sloop with 
my party, where several loyal Congress healths were 
drank. 

We were now masters of lake Champlain, and the 
garrison deperding thereon. This success I viewed 
of consequence xn the scale of American politics ; for, 
if a settlement between the then colonies and Great 
Britain, had soon taken place, it would have been easy 
to have restored these acquisitions ; but viewing the 
then future consequences of a cruel war, as it has really 
proved to be, and the command of that lake, garrisons, 
artillery, &c., it must be viewed to be of signal import- 
ance to the American cause, and it is marvellous to me 
that we ever lost the command of it. Nothing but 
taking a Burgoyne with a whole British army, could, 
in my opinion, atone for it; and notwithstanding such 
an extraordinary victory, we must be obliged to regain 
the command of that lake again, be the cost what it 
will ; by doing this Canada will easily be brought into 
union and confederacy with tho United States of 
America. Such an event would "out it out of the 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's OAPTIVITi- 217 

power of the western tribes of Indians to carrj' on a 
war with us, and be a solid and durable bar against 
any further inliuman barbarities committed on our 
frontier inhabitants, by cruel and blood-thirsty sav- 
ages ; fur it is impossible to carry on a war, except 
they are supported by the trade and« commerce of some 
civilized nation ; which to them would be impracticable, 
did Canada compose a part of the American empire. 

Early in the fall of the year, the little armv under 
the Command of the Generals Schuyler and Montgom- 
ery, were ordered to advance into Canada. 1 was at 
Ticonderoga, when this order arrived ; and the Gen- 
erals, with most of the field officers, requested me to 
attend them in the expedition ; and, though at that 
time 1 had no commission from Congress, yet they 
engaged me, that I should be considered as an officer, 
the same as though I had a commission ; and shoujd, 
as occasion might require, command certain detach- 
ments of the army. This 1 considered as an honorable 
offer, and did not hesitate to comply with it, and 
advanced with the army to the Isle-aux-Noix ; from 
wlience I was ordered by the General, to go in company 
with Major Brow^n, and certain interpreters, tbrough 
the woods into Canada, with letters to the Canadians, 
and to let them know that the design of the army was 
only against the English garrisons, and not the country, 
their liberties, or religion ; and having, through much 
danger, negotiated this business, I returned to the Isle- 
aux-Noix in the fore part of September, when General 
Schuyler returned to Albany ; and in consequence the 
command devolved upon General Montgomery, whom 
I assisted in laying a line of circumvallation round the 
fortress of St. Johns. After which I was ordered, by 
the General, to make a second tour into Canada, upon 
nearly the same design as before ; and withal to 
observe the disposition, designs and movements of the 
inhabitants of tlie country. This reconnoiter I under- 
took reluctantlv, choosine: rather to assist at the seijxe 
of St. Johns, which was tlien closely invested ; but my 
esteem for the general's person, and opinion of him as 
a jiojitician and brave officer induced me to proceed. 



21 S K'i ELAJS^ ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOKS. 

I passed through all the parishes on the river Sorei, 
to a parish at the mouth of the same, wljich is called 
by the same name, preaching politics ; and went trora 
thence across the Sorel to the river St. Lawrence, and 
up the river through the parishes to Longueuil, and so 
far met with good success as an itinerant. In this 
round my guard w^ere Canadians, my interpreter, and 
some few attendants excepted. On the morning of the 
24th day of September, I set out with my guard of 
about eighty men, from Longueuil, to go to Laprairie ; 
from whence I determined to go to General Montgom- 
ery's camp ; but had not advanced two miles before I 
met with Major Brown, who has since been advanced 
to the rank of a Colonel, who desired me to halt, saying 
that he had something of importance to communicate 
to me and my confidants ; upon which I halted the 
part}^ and went into a house, and took a private room 
wi'tli him and several of my associates, where Col. 
Brown proposed that, "provided I w^ould return to 
Longueuil, and procure some canoes, so as to cross the 
the river St. Lawrence a little north of Montreal, he 
would cross it a little to the south of the town, with 
near two hundred men, as he had boats sufficient; and 
that we could make ourselves masters of Montreal." 
This plan was readily approved by me and those in 
council ; and in consequence of which I returned to 
Longueuil, collected a few canoes, and added about 
thirty English-Americans to my party, and crossed 
the river in the night of the 2ith, agreeably to the 
before proposed plan. 

My whole party at this time, consisted of about 
one hundred and ten men, near eighty of w^hom were 
Canadians. We were most of the nii^ht crossinoj the 
river, as we had so few canoes that they had to pas3 
and repass three times, to cary my party across. Soon 
after day-break, I set a guard letween me and the 
town, with special orders to let no person pass or repass 
them, another guard on the other end of the road, with 
like directions ; in the mean time, I reconnoitered the 
best ground to make a defence, expecting Col. Brown's 
party was landed on the other side of the town, he 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 219 

having, the day before, agreed to give tliree L izzas- 
with his men early in the morning, which signal 1 was 
to return, that we might each know that buth parties 
were landed ; but the sun, by this time, being nearly 
two hours high, and the sign tailing, I began to con- 
clude myself to be in a premunire, and would have 
crossed the river back again, but I knew the enemy 
would have discovered such an attempt; and as there 
could not more than one third part of my troops cross 
at a time, the other two-tliirds would of course fail into 
their hands. This I could not reconcile to my own 
feelings as a man, nmch less as an otticer : 1 therefore 
concluded to maintain the ground, if possible, and all 
to fare alike. In consequence of this resolution, I des- 
patched two messengers, one to Laprairie, to Col. Brown, 
and the other to I'Assomption, a French seit-.ement, to 
Mr. Walker, who was in our interest, requesting their 
speedy assistance, giving them, at the same time to 
understand my critical situation. In the mean time 
sundry persons came to my guards, pretending to be 
friends, but were by them taken prisoners and brought 
to m,e. These I ordered to continement, until their 
friendship could be further confirmed ; for I was jealous 
they were s])ies, as tliey proved to be afterwards. One 
of the principal of them making his escape, exposed 
the weakness of my party, which was the final' cause 
of my misfortune ; for I have been since informed that 
Mr. Walker, agreeably to my desire, exerted himself, 
and had raised a considerable numl)er of men for my 
assistance, which brought him into ditiiculty afterwards, 
but upon hearing of my misfortune, he disbanded them 
again. 

The town of Montreal was in a great tumult. General 
Carleton and the royal party, made every preparation 
to go on board their vessels of force, as 1 was after- 
wards informed, but the spy escaped from my guard to 
the town, occasioned an alteration in their ])olicy, and 
emboldened Gen. Carleton to send the force which he 
had there collected, out against me. I had previously 
chosen my ground, but when I saw the number of the 
ei'emy as they sallieii out of the town, 1 perceived it 



220 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

would be a day of trouble, if not of rebuke ; but I had 
no chance to flee, as Montreal was situated on an island, 
and the St. Lawrence cut off my communication to 
General Montgomery's camp. I encouraged my sol- 
diery to bravely defend themselves, that we should 
soon have help, and that we should be able to keep the 
.ground, if no more. This, and much more, 1 affirmed 
with the greatest seeming assurance, and which in 
reality I thouglit to be in some degree probable. 

The enemy consisted of not more than forty regular 
troops, together with a mixed multitude, chiefly Cana- 
dians, with a number of English who lived in town, 
and some Indians ; in all to the number of five hundred. 

The reader will notice that most of my party were 
Canadians; indeed it was a motely parcel of soldiery 
which composed both parties. However, the enemy 
began to attack from wood -piles, ditches, buildings, 
and such like places, at a considerable distance, and 1 
returned the fire from a situation more than equally 
advantageous. The attack began between two and three 
o'clock in the afternoon, just before which I ordered a 
volunteer by the name of Richard Young;, with a de- 
tachment ot nme men as a flank guard, which, under 
the cover of the bank of the river, could not only annoy 
the enemy, but at the same time, serve as a flank guard 
to the left of the main body. 

The tire continued for sometime on both sides; and 
I was confident that such a remote method of attack 
could not carry the ground, provided it should be con- 
tinued till night: but near half the body of the enemy 
began to flank round to my right ; upon which I ordered 
a volunteer by the name of John Dugan, who had 
lived many years in Canada, and understood the 
French language, to detach about fifty Canadians, and 
post himself at an advantageous ditch, which was on my 
right, to prevent my being surrounded : He advanced 
with the detachment, but instead of occupying the post, 
made his escape, as did likewise Mr. Young upon the 
left, with their detachments. I soon perceived tliat the 
enemy wap in possession of the ground, which Dugan 
should have occupied, j^*- this ti\ue I had but about 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 221 

forty five men with me ; some of whoiti were wounded ; 
the enemy kept closing round me, nor was it in my 
power to prevent it ; by which means, my situation, 
which was advantageous in the first part of the attack, 
ceased to be so in the last; and being entirely sur- 
rounded with such vast, unequal numbers, I ordered 
a retreat, but found that those of the enemy, who were 
of the country, and their Indians, could run as fast 
as my men, though the regulars could not. Thus I 
retreated near a mile, and some of the enemy, with the 
savages, kept flanking me, and others crowded hard 
in the rear. In tine, I expected, in a very short time, 
to try the world of spirits ; for I was apprehensive that 
nr quarter would be given to me, and therefore had 
determined to sell my life as dear as I could. One 
of the enemy's officers, boldly pressing in the rear, 
discharged his fusee at me ; the ball whistled near me, 
as did man} others that day. I returned the salute, 
and missed him, as running had put us both out of 
breath ; for I conclude we were not frightened : I then 
saluted him with my tongue in a harsh manner, and 
told him that, inasmuch as his numbers were so far 
superior to mine, I would surrender provided I could 
be treated with honor, and be assured of good quarter 
for myself and the men who were with me ; and he 
answered I should ; another officer, coming up directly 
after, confirmed the treaty ; upon which I agreed to 
surrender with my party, which then consisted of 
thirty-one eft'ective men, and seven wounded. I ordered 
them to ground their arms, which they did. 

The officer I capitulated with, then directed me and 
my party to advance towards him, w^hich was done; I 
handed him my sword, and in half a minute after, a 
savage, part of whose head was shaved, being almost 
naked and painted, with feathers intermixed with the 
Imir of the other side of his head, came running to 
me with an incredible swiftness ; he seemed to advance 
with more than mortal speed ; as he approached near 
me, hifi hellish visage was beyond all description; 
finake's eyes appear innocent in comparison to his ; his 
featnj-es extorted ; malice, death, murder, and the wrath 



222 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

of devils and damned spirits are the emblems of his 
countenance ; and in less than twelve feet of me, pre- 
sented his firelock ; at the instant of his present, I 
twitched the otiicer, to whom I gave my sword, between 
me and the savage ; but he flew round with great furj, 
trying to single me out to shoot me without killing the 
onicer ; but bj this time I was nearly as nimble as he, 
keeping the officer in such a position that his danger 
was my defence ; but, in less than half a minute, I was 
attacked by just such another imp of hell : Then I 
made the officer fly around with incredible velocity, 
for a few seconds of time, when I perceived a Canadian, 
who had lost one eye, as appeared afterwards, taking 
my part against the savages ; and in an instant an 
Irishman came to my assistance w^ith a flxed bayonet, 

and drove away the fiends, swearing by he would 

kill them. This tragic scene composed my mind. The 
escaping from so awful a death, made even imprison- 
ment happy ; the more so as my conquerors on the 
field treated me with great civility and politeness. 

The regular officers said that they were very happy 
to see Colonel Allen : I answered them, that I should 
rather choose to have seen them at General Montgom- 
ery's camp. The gentlemen replied, that they gave 
full credit to what 1 said, and as I walked to the town, 
which was, as I should guess, more than two miles, a 
British officer walking at my right hand, and one of 
the French noblesse at my left ; the latter of which, in 
the action, had his eyebrow carried away by a glancing 
shot, but was nevertheless very merry and facetious, 
and no abuse was ofi:ered me till I came to the barrack 
yard at Montreal, w^here I met general Prescott, who 
asked me my name, which 1 told him : He then asked 
me whether I w^as that Col. Allen, who took Ticonde- 
roga. I told him that I was the very man : Then he 
shook his cane over my head, calling many hard names, 
among which he frequently used the word rebel, and 
put himself in a great rage. I told him he would do 
well not to cane me, for I was not accustomed to it, 
and shook ray fist at him, telling him that was the 
beetle of mortality for him if he offered to strike 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN^S CAPTIVITY. 223 

Tipon wlilcli Capt. M'Cloud of the British, pulled him 
by the skirt, and whispered to him, as he afterwards 
told me, to this import ; that it was inconsistent with 
his honor to strike a prisoner. He then ordered a 
Serjeant's command with fixed bayonets, to come for- 
ward, and kill thirteen Canadians who were included 
in the treaty aforesaid. 

It cut me to the heart to see the Canadians in so 
hard a case, in consequence of their having been true 
to me ; they were wringing their hands, saying their 
prayers, asl concluded, and expected immediate death. 
I therefore stepped betv/een the executioners and the 
Canadians, opened my clothes, an,d told Gen. Prescott 
to thrust his bayonet into my breast, for I was the sole 
cause of the Canadians taking up arms. 

The guard, in the mean time, rolling their eyeballs 
from the General to me, as though impatiently waiting 
his dread command to sheatfi "their bayonets in my 
heart ; I could, however, plainly discern, that he was 
in a suspense and quandary about the matter : This 
gave me additional hopes of succeeding; for my de- 
sign was not to die, but to save the Canadians by a 
finesse. The general stood a minute, when he made 
me the following reply ; "I will not execute you now ; 

but you shall grace a halter at Tyburn, 

you." 

I remember I disdained his mentioning such a place; 
I was, notwithstanding, a little pleased with the ex- 
pression, as it significantly conveyed to me the idea of 
postponing the present appearance of death ; besides 
his sentence was by no means final, as to "gracing a 
halter," although 1 had anxiety ahout it, after 1 landed 
in England, as the reader will find in the course of this 
history. Gen. Prescott then ordered one of his officers 
to take'me on board the Gaspee schooner of war, and 
confine me, hands and feet, in irons, which was done ' 
the same afternoon I was taken. 

The action continued an hour and three quarters, by 
the watch, and I know not to this day how many of 
my men wore killed, though I am certain there were 
but few. If I remember riirht, 7 were wounded ; one 

10*' 



*22J: El^HAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
t 

of tliem, Wm. Stewart, by name, was wounded by a 
Bavao-e with a tomahawk, after he was taken prisoner 
and disarmed, but was rescued by some of the gener- 
ous enemy ; and so far recovered of his wounds, that 
he afterwards went with the other prisoners toEncrhuid. 
Of the enemy, were killed a major Garden, who had 
been wounded in eleven different battles, and an em- 
inent merchant, Patterson, of Montreal, and some 
others, but 1 never knew their whole loss, as their ac- 
counts were different. I am apprehensive that it is 
rare, that so much ammunition was expended, and so 
little execution done by it ; though such of my party 
as stood the ground, behaved with great fortitude, 
much exceeding that of the enemy, but were not the 
best of marksmen, and, 1 am apprehensive, were all 
killed or taken ; the wounded were all put into the 
hospital at Montreal, and those that were not, were 
put on board of different vessels in the river, and 
shackled together by pairs, viz. two men fastened to- 
gether by one hand-cuff', being closely fixed to one 
wrist of each of them, and treated wdth the greatest 
severity, nay as criminals. 

1 now come to the description of the irons, which 

were put on me : The hand-cuff was of common size 

and form, but my leg irons, 1 should imagine would 

weigh thirty pounds ; the bar was eight feet long, and 

very substantial ; the shackles, which encompassed my 

ancles, were very tight. I was told by the othcer, who 

put them on, that it was the king's plate, and I heard 

other of their officers say, that it would weigh forty 

w^eight. The irons were so close upon my ancles, that 

I could not lay down in any other manner tluin on my 

back. I was "^put into the 'lowest and most wretched 

■ part of the vessel, where I got the favor of a chest to 

sit on ; the same answered for my bed at night ; and 

• having procured some little blocks of the guard, who 

day and night, with fixed bayonets, watched over me, 

to lie under each end of the large bar of my leg irons, 

to preserve my ancles from galling, wliile I sat on the 

chest, or lay back on the same, though mo&t of the time, 

night and day, I sat on it ; but at length, having a 



NAIiRATIVE OF ALLEN 's CAPTIYITY. 225 

desire to lie down on my side, which the closeness of my 
irons turbid, I desired the captain to loosen them for 
that purpose ; but was denied the favor. Tbe cap- 
tain's name was Royal, who did not seem to be an ill- 
natured man ; but oftentimes said, that his express 
orders were to treat me with such severity, which was 
disagreeable to his own feelings ; nor did he ever in- 
sult me, though many others, who came on board did. 
One of the officers, by the name of Bradley, was very 
generous to me ; he would often send me victuals from 
his own table ; nor did a day fail, but he sent me a 
good drink of grog. 

Tlie reader is now invited back to the time I was 
put into irons. I requested the privilege to write to 
General Prescott, which was granted. I reminded him 
of the kind and generous manner of my treatment of 
the prisoners I took at Ticonderoga ; the injustice and 
ungentleman-like usage I had met with from him, and 
demanded better usage, but received no answer from 
him. I soon after wrote to Gen. Carlton, which met 
the same success. In the mean while, many of those 
who were permitted to see me, were very insulting. 

I was confined in the manner I have related, on 
board the Gaspee schooner, about six weeks ; during 
which time I was oblii::ed to throw out plenty of ex- 
travagant language, which answered certain purposes, 
at that time, better than to grace a history. 

To give an instance ; upon being insulted, in a fit 
of anger, I twisted off a nail with my teeth, which I 
took to be a ten-penny nail ; it went through the mor- 
tise of the bar of my hand-cuff, and at the same time 
I swaggered over those who abused me ; particularly 
A Doctor Dace, who told me that I was outlawed by 
New- York, and deserved death for several years past ; 
was at last fully ripened for the halter, and in a fair 
way to obtain it. When I challenged him, he excused 
himself, in consequence, as he said, of my being a 
criminal ; but I flung such a flood of language at him 
thatit shocked him and the spectators, for my anger 

was very great. I heard one say, him. can he 

eat iron ? After that, a small padlock vas fixed to tho 



22G ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN ^vuNTAIN HEROEi 

hand-cnff, instead of the nail ; and as they were lae-xn- 
spirited in their treatment to me, so it appeared to roe, 
that the} were equally timorous and cowardly. 

1 was after sent, with the prisoners taken with me, 
to an armed vessel in the river, which lay oif against 
Quebec, under the command of Capt. M'Cloud, of the 
British, who treated me in a very generous and obliging 
manner, and according to my rank ; in about twenty- 
four hours 1 bid him farewell with regret ; but my 
good fortune still continued. The name of the Cap- 
tain of the vessel I was put on board, was Littlejohn ; 
who, with his officers, behaved in a polite, generous, 
and friendly manner. I lived with them in the cabin, 
and fared on the best, my irons being taken off, con- 
trary to the order he had received from the command- 
ing officer ; but Capt. Littlejohn swore, that a brave 
man should not be used as a rascal, on board his ship. 
That I found myself in possession of happiness once 
more, and the evils I had lately suffered, gave me an 
uncommon relish for it. 

Capt. Littlejohn used to go to Quebec almost every 
day, in order to pay his respects to certain gentlemen 
and ladies ; being there on a certain day, he happened 
to meet with some disagreeable treatment, as he im- 
agined, from a Lieutenant of a man of war, and one 
word brought on another, until the Lieutenant chal- 
lenged him to a duel on the plains of Abraham. Capt. 
Littlejohn was a gentleman, who entertained a high 
sense of honor, and could do no less than accept the 
challenge. 

At nine o'clock the next morning they were to figlit. 
Tlie Captain returned in the evening, and acquainted 
his Lieutenant and me with the affair. His Lieutenant 
was a high blooded Scotchman, as well as himself, who 
replied to his Captain that he should not want for a 
second. With this I interrupted him and gave tlie 
Captain to understand, that since an opportunity had 
presented, I would be glad to testify my gratitude to 
nim, by acting the part of a faithful second ; on which 
he gave me his hand, and said that he wanted no bet- 
ter man. Says he, I am a King's officer, and you a 



NARRATITE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 227 

priponer under my care ; yon must, therefore, go M'ith 
me, to the phice appointed in disguise, and added fur- 
ther; 'you must engage me, upon the honor of a gen- 
tleman, that wliether I die or live, or wliatever happens, 
provided you li-ve, that you will return to my Lieuten- 
ant on board this ship.' All this I solemnly engaged 
him. The combatants were to discharge each a pocket 
pistol, and then to fall on with their iron-hilted muckle 
whangers ; and one of that sort w^as allotted for me ; 
but some British officers, who interposed esir\y in the 
morning, settled the controversy without fighting. 

Xow having enjoyed eight or nine days' happiness, 
from the polite and generous treatment of Captain 
Littlejohn and his officers, I was obliged to bid them 
farewell, parting with them in as friendly a manner as 
we had lived together, wdiich, to the best of my mem- 
ory, was the eleventh of November : when a detach 
ment of General Arnold's little army appeared on 
Point Levi, opposite Quebec, who had performed an 
extraordinary march through a wilderness country, 
with design to have surprised the capital of Canada; 
I was then taken on board a vessel called the Ada- 
mant, together with the prisonei'S taken with me, and 
put under the power of an English Merchant from 
London, whose name was Brook Watson :. a man of 
malicious and cruel disposition, and who was probably 
excited, in the exercise of his malevolence, by a junto 
of tories, who sailed with him to England ; among 
whom were Col. Guy Johnson, Col. Closs, and tiieir 
attendants and associates, to the number of about 30. 

All the ship's crew, Col. Closs, in his personal be- 
"'javior excepted, behaved towards the prisoners with 
that spirit of bitterness, which is the peculiar chai'ac- 
teristic of tories, when they have the friends of Amer- 
ica in their power, measuring their loyalty to the 
English King by the barbarity, fraud and deceit which 
they exercise towards the whigs. 

A small place in the vessel, enclosed with white oak 
plank, was assigned for tiie prisoners, and for me 
among the rest. I should imagine that it was not more 
than twenty feet one way, and twenty-two the other. 



228 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 

Into this place we were all, to the number of thirtj-fonr, 
thi'ust and hand-cufted, two prisoners more being added 
to our numl>er, and were provided with two excrement 
tubs ; in this circumference we were obliged to eat and 
perform the otilces of evacuation, during the voyage 
to England ; and were insulted by every black-guard 
sailor and tory on board, in the crudest manner ; but 
what is the most surprising thing is, that not one of us 
died in the passage. When I was first ordered to go 
into the filthy inclosure, through a small sort of door, 
I positively refused, and endeavored to reason the 
before named Brook Watson out of a conduct so de- 
rogatory to every sentiment of honor and humanity, 
Dut all to no purpose, my men being forced in the den 
alread}^ ; and the rascal who had the charge of the 
prisoners commanded me to go immediately in among 
the rest. He further added that the place was good 
enough for a rebel ; that it was impertinent for a capi- 
tal oftender to talk of honor or humanity ; that any 
thing short of a halter was too good for me ; and that 
that would be my portion soon after I landed in Eng- 
land ; for which purpose only I was sent thither. About 
the same time a lieutenant among the tories, insulted 
me in a grievous manner, saying I ought to have been 
executed for my rebellion against New- York, and spit 
in my face; upon which, though I was hawd-cufied, I 
sprang at him witfi both hands, and knocked him parth^ 
down, but he scrambled along into the cabin, and I 
after him ; there he got under the protection of some 
men with fixed bayonets, who were ordered to make 
ready to drive me into the place aforementioned. I 
challenged him to fight, notwithstanding tliQ impedi- 
ments that were on my hands, and had the exalted 
pleasure to see the rascal tremble for fear ; his name I 
have forgot, but Watson ordered his guard to get me 
into the ])lace with the other prisoners, dead or alive; 
and I had almost as lieve die as to do it, standing it 
out till they environed me round with bayonets ; and 
brutish, prejudiced, abandoned wretches they were, 
f om whom I could expect nothing but death or wounds ; 
however, J told them, that they were good honest 



NAKllATIVE OF ALLEn's CAFriVITY. 229 

fellows ; that I could not blame them ; that I was only 
in dispute witli a calico merchant, who knew not how 
to behave towards a gentleman of the military estab- 
lishment. This was spoken rather to appease them 
for my own preservation, as well as to treat Watson 
wilh contempt; but still I found they were determined 
to force me into the wretched circumstances, which 
their prejudiced, and depraved minds had prej^ared 
for me; therefore, rather than die, I submitted to their 
indignities, being drove with bayonets into the lilthy 
dungeon with the other prisoners, where we were de- 
nied fresh water, except a small allowance, which was 
very inadequate to our wants : and in consequence of 
the stench of the place, each of us was soon followed 
with a diarrhoea and fever, which occasioned intolera- 
ble thirst. When w^e asked for water, we were, most 
coinmunly, instead of obtaining it, insulted and de- 
rided ; and to add to all the horrors of the place, it 
was so dark that we could not see each other, and were 
overspread with body lice. We had, notwithstanding 
these severities, full allowance of salt provisions, and 
a gill of rum per day ; the latter of which was of the 
utmost service to us, and, probably, was the means of 
saving several of our lives. About forty days we ex- 
isted in this manner, when the land's end of England 
was discovered from the mast head ; soon after which, 
the prisoners were taken from their gloomy abode, 
being permitted to see the light of the sun, and breathe 
fresh air, which to us was very refreshing. The day 
following we landed at Falmouth. 

A few days before I was taken prisoner, I shifted 
my clothes, by which I happened to be taken in a 
Canadian dress, viz: a short fawn-skin jacket, double- 
lireasted, an undervest and breeches of sagathy, worsted 
stockings, a decent pair of shoes, two plain shirts, and 
a red worsted cap ; this was all the clothing I had, in 
which 1 made my aj^pearance in England. 

When the prisoners were landed, multitudes of the 
citizens of Falmouth, excited by curiosity, crowded to 
ece us, which was equally gratifying to us. I saw num- 
bers on the tops of houses, and the rising adjacent 



230 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTATN HERuES. 

grounds were covered witli them, of both sexes. Tlie 
ttironir: was so great, that the king's officers were 
obliged to clraw their swords, and force a passage to 
Peiidennis castle, which was near a mile from the town, 
where we were closely confined, in consequence of 
orders from General Carleton, who then commanded 
in Canada. 

The rascally Brook Watson then set out for London 
in gi'eat haste, expecting the reward of his zeal ; but the 
miriistry received him, as I have been since informecf, 
rather coolly ; for the minority in parliament took ad- 
vantage, arguing that the opposition of America to 
Great Britain, was not a rebellion : If it is, say they, 
why do you not execute Col. Allen according to law? 
But the'majority argued that I ought to be executed, 
and that the opposition was really a rebellion, but that 
policy obliged them not to do it, inasmuch as the Con- 
gress*^ had then most prisoners in their power ; so that 
my being sent to England, for the purpose of being 
executed, and necessity restraining them, was rather a 
foil on their laws and authority, and they consequently 
disapproved of my being sent thither. But I had 
never heard the least hint of tliose debates, in parlia- 
ment, or of the working of their policy, until sometime 
after 1 left England. 

Consequently the reader will readily conceive I was 
anxious about my preservation, knowing that I was in 
the power of a haughty and cruel nation, considered 
as such. Therefore, 'the first proposition which I deter- 
, mined in my own mind was, that humanity and moral 
suasion would not be consulted in the determining of 
my fate; and those that daily came in great numbers 
out of curiosity to see me, both gentle and simple, 
united in this, that I would be hanged. A gentleman 
from America, by the name of Temple, and who was 
friendly to me, just whispered me in the ear, and told 
me that bets were laid in London, that I would be ex- 
ecuted ; he likewise privately gave me a guinea, but 
durst sav but little to me. 

However, agreeably to my first negative proposition, 
that moral virtue would not influence my destinv, I 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 231 

had recourse to stratagem, which I was in hopes would 
move in the circle of ttieir policy. I requested c|f the 
commander of the castle, the privilege of writing to 
Congress, who, after consulting with an officer that 
lived in town, of a superior rank, permitted me to 
write. I wrote, in the fore part of the letter, a short 
narrative of my ill-treatment ; but withal let them know 
that, though 1 was treated as a criminal in England, 
and continued in irons, together with tiiose taken with 
me, yet it was in consequence of the orders which tlie 
commander of the castle received from Gen. Carleton, 
and therefore desired Congress to desist from matters 
of retaliation, until they should know the result of tiie 
government in England, respecting their treatment 
towards me, and the prisoners with me, and govern 
themselves accordingly, with a particular request, that 
if retaliation should be found necessary, it might be 
exercised not according to the smallness of my charac- 
ter in America, but in proportion to the importance 
of the cause for which I suffered. This is, according 
to my present recollection, the substance of the letter 
inscribed, — " To the illustrious Continental Congress^ 
This letter was written with the view that it should be 
sent to the ministry at London, rather than to Congress, 
with a design to intimidate the haughty English gov- 
ernment, and screen my neck from the halter. 

The next day the officer, from whom I obtained 
license to write, came to see me, and frowned on me 
on account of the impudence of the letter, as he phrased 
it, and further added, 'Do you think that we are fools 
in England, and would send your letter to Congress, 
with instructions to retaliate on our own people? 1 
ha\.e sent your letter to Lord IS^orth.' This gave me 
inward satisfaction, though I carefully concealed it 
with a pretended resentment, for I found that 1 had 
come Yankee over him, and that the letter had gone 
to the identical person I designed it for. Nor do I 
know to this day, but tiiat it liad the desired eftect, 
though I have not heard any thing of the letter since. 

•My personal treatment by Lieutenant Hamilton, who 
commanded tiie castle was very generous. He sent 



232 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

me every day a fine breakfast and dinner from his own 
table, and a bottle of good wine. Another aged gen- 
tleman, whose name I cannot recollect, sent me a good 
Slipper. But there was no distinction between me and 
the privates ; we all lodged on a sort of Dutch bunks, 
in one common apartment, and were allowed straw. 
The privates were well supplied with provisions, and 
with me, took eftectual measures to rid ourselves of lice. 

I could not but feel, inwardly, extremely anxious for 
my fate. This, 1 however, concealed from the pris- 
oners, as well as from the enemy, who were perpetually 
shaking: the halter at me. I nevertheless treated them 
with scorn and contempt ; and having sent my letter 
to the ministry, could conceive of nothing more in my 
power but to keep up my spirits, behave in a daring, 
soldier-like manner, that 1 might exhibit a good sample 
of American fortitude. Such a conduct, 1 judged 
would have a more probable tendency to my preserva- 
tion than concession and timidity. This therefore, was 
my deportment ; and I had lastly determined in my 
mind, that if a cruel death must inevitably be my por- 
tion, 1 would face it undaunted ; and, though I greatly 
rejoice that I returned to my country and friends, and 
to see the power and pride of Great Britain humljled ; 
yet I am confident I could then have died without the 
least appearance of dismay. 

I now clearly I'ecollect that my mind was so re- 
solved, that I would not have trembled or shewn the 
least fear, as I was sensible that it could not alter my 
fate, nor do more than reproach my memory, make my 
last act despicable to my enemies, and eclipse the 
other actions of mv life. For I reasoned thus, that 
nothino; was more common than for men to die with 
their friends around them, weeping and lamenting 
over them, but not able to help them, which was in re- 
ality not diflferent in the consequence of it from such a 
death as I was apprehensive of; and, as death was 
the natural consequence of animal life to which the 
laws of nature subject mankind, to be timorous and 
uneasy as to the event and manner of it, was inconsis- 
tent with the character of a philosopher and soldier. 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'S CAFflVlTY. ^oS 

The cause I was engaged in, I ever viewed worthy 
hazarding my lite for, nor was 1, in the most critical 
moments of trouble, sorry that 1 engaged in it ; and, 
as to the world of spirits, though 1 knew nothing of 
the mode or manner of it, 1 expected nevertheless, 
when 1 should arrive at such a world, that 1 should be 
as well treated as other gentlemen of my merit. 

Among the great numbers of people, who came to 
the castle to see the prisoners, some gentlemen told 
me tiiat they had come fifty miles on purpose to see 
me, and desired to ask me a numlier of questions, and 
to make free with me in conversation. 1 gave for an- 
swer that 1 chose freedom in every sense of the word. 
Then one of them asked me what my occupation in 
life had been ? 1 answered him, that in my younger 
days 1 had studied divinity, but was a conjuror by 
profession. He replied that I conjured wrong at the 
tinje I was taken ; and 1 was obliged to own, that I 
mistook a figure at that time, but that 1 had conjured 
them out of Ticonderoga. This was a place of great 
notoriety in England, so that the joke seemed to go in 
my favor. 

It was a common thing for me to be taken out of 
close confinement, into a spacious green in the castle, 
or rather parade, where numbers of gentlemen and 
ladies were ready to see and hear me. 1 often enter- 
tained such audiences with harangues on the impracti- 
cability of Great Britain's conquering the then colo- 
nies of America. At one of these times 1 asked a 
gentleman for a bowl of punch, and he ordered his 
servant to bring it, which he did, and offered it to me, 
but 1 refused to take it from the hand of his servant ; 
he then gave it to me with his own hand, refusing to 
drink with me in consequence of my being a state 
criminal : However, I took the punch and drank it all 
duwn at one draught, and handed the gentleman the 
bowl ; this made the spectators as well as myself merry. 

1 expatiated on American freedom. This gained 
the resentment of a young beardless gentleman of the 
company, who gave himself very great aii-s. and re- 
plied that hft ' knew the Americans very well, and was 



234: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-M'JDNTAIN HEROES. 

certain they could not bear the smell of powder.' J 
replied, that I accepted it as a challenge, and was ready 
to convince him on the spot, that an American cuuld 
bear the smell of powder ; at which he answered that 
he should not put himself on a par with me. 1 tiien 
delnanded him to treat the character of the Americans 
with due respect. He answered that 1 was an Iri^h 
man ; but 1 assured him that I was a full blooded 
Yankee, and in hne bantered him so much, that he left 
me in possession of the ground, and the laugh wunt 
ao-ainst him. Two clergymen came to see me, and, 
inasmuch as they behaved with civility, I returned 
them the same. We discoursed on several parts of 
moral philosophy and Christianity ; and they seemed 
1<> be surprised that I should be acquainted with such 
topics, or that I should understand a syllogism, or reg- 
ular mode of argumentation. 1 am apprehensive my 
Canadian dress contributed not a little to the surpri&e, 
and excitement of curiosity: to see a gentleman in 
England regularly dressed and well behaved would be 
no sight at all ; but such a rebel as they were pleased 
to call me, it is probable, was never before seen in 
England. 

The prisoners were landed at Falmouth a few days 
before Christmas, and ordered on board of the Solebay 
frigate, Capt. Symonds, on the eighth day of January, 
1776, when our hand irons were taken oft'. Tiiis 
remove was in consequence, as I have been since 
informed, of a writ of habeas corpus, which had been 
procured by some gentlemen in England, in order to 
obtain me my libei-ty. 

The Solebay, with sundry other men-of-war, and 
about forty transports, rendezvoused at the cove of 
Cork, in Ireland, to take in provisions and water. 

When we were first brought on board, captain 
Symonds ordered all the prisoners, and most of the 
hands on board to go on the deck, and caused to be 
read in their hearing, a certain code of laws or rules, 
for the regulation and ordering of their behavior; and 
then in a sovereign manner, ordered the prisoners, me 
In particular, oft" the deck, and never to come on it 



NARRATIVE OF ALLKn's CAPTIVITI. 2o5 

again: for, said he, this is a place for gentlemen to walk. 
So I went off, an officer following me, who told me he 
would shew me the place allotted to me, and took 
me down to the cable tier, saying to me this is your 
place. 

Prior to thial had taken cold, by which I was in an 
ill state of health, and did not say much to the officer ; 
but stayed there that night, consulted my policy, and 
I found I was in an e\Sl case ; that a captain of a 
man-of-war was more arbitrary than a king, as he 
could view his territory with a look of his eye, and a 
movement of his tins^er commanded obedience. 1 felt 
myself more desponding than 1 had done at any time 
before, ; for I coirclnded it to be a government scheme, 
to do that clandestinely w^hich policy forbid to be done 
under sanction of any public justice and law. 

However, two days after, 1 shaved and cleansed 
myself as well as 1 could, and went on deck. The 
captain spoke to me in a great rage, and said : 'did 
not order you not to come on deck V 1 answered him, 
that at the same time he said, 'that it was the place 
fur gentlemen to walk ; tiiat I was Colonel Allen, but 
had not been properly introduced to him.' He replied, 

you, sir, be careful not to walk the same 

side of the deck ftiat I do. This gave me encourage- 
ment, and ever after that I walked in the manner he 
had directed, except when he, at certain times after- 
wards, had ordered me off in a passion, and I then 
would directly afterwards go on again, telling him to 
command his slaves ; that I was a gentleman and had 
a rigiit to walk the deck ; yet when he expressly 
ordered me off, 1 obeyed, not out of obedience to him, 
but to btrt an example to the ship's crew, who ought to 
obey hiiri. 

To walk to the windward side of the deck is, ac- 
cording to custom, the prerogative of the captain of 
a njan-of-war, though he, sometimes, nay commonly, 
walks with his lieutenants, when no strangers are by. 
When a captain from some other man-of-war comes on 
board, the captains walk to the windward side, and the 
other gentlemen to the leeward. 



236 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

It was but a few nights I lodged in the cable tier, 
before I gained an acquaintance with the master of 
arms, his name was Gillegan, an Irishman, who was a 
generousf and well disposed man, and in a friendly 
manner made me an otter of living with him in a little 
- birth, which was allotted him between decks, and en- 
closed in canvass; his preferment on board was about 
equal to that of a sergeant in a regiment. I was com- 
pajatively happy in the acceptance of his clemency, 
and lived with him in friendship till the frigate an- 
chored in the harbor of Cape Fear, North Carolina, in 
America. ^ • 

Nothing of material consequence happened till the 
fleet rendezvoused at the cove of Co^'k, except a vio- 
lent storm which brought old hardy sailors to their 
prayers. It was soon rumored in Cork that I was on 
board the Solebay, with a number of prisoners from 
America ; upon which Messrs. Clark & Hays, mei^ 
chants in company, and a number of other benevo- 
lently disposed gentlemen, contributed largely to the 
relief and support of the prisoners, who were thirty- 
four in number, and in very needy circumstances. A 
suit of clothes from head to foot, including an overcoat 
or surtout, and two shirts were bestowed upon each of 
them. My suit I received in superfine broadcloths, 
suliicient for two jackets and two pair of breeciies, 
overplus of a suit throughout, eight fiiie Holland shirts 
and socks ready made, with a number of pairs of silk 
and worsted hose, two pair of shoes, two beaver hats, 
one of which was sent me richly laced with gold, by 
James Bon well. The Irish gentlemen furthermore 
made a large gratuity of wines of the best sort, spirits, 
gin, loaf and brown sugar, tea and chocolate, with a 
large round of pickled beef, and a number of fat tur- 
kies, with many other articles, for my sea stores, to(/ 
tedious to mention here. To the privates they bestowed 
on each man two pounds of tea, and six pounds ot 
brown sugar. These articles were received on board 
at a time when the captain and first lieutenant A^ere 
gone on shore, by the permission of the second lieu- 
tenant, a handsome young gentleman, who was then 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITT. 23T 

onder twenty-one years of age ; bis name was Douglass, 
son of admiral Douglass, as 1 was informed. 

As this munificence was so unexpected and plentiful, 
I may add needful, iffimpre-sed on my mind the high- 
est sense of gratitude towards my benefactors ; for 1 
was not only supi>lied with the necessaries and conven- 
iences of life, but with the grandeurs and superfluities 
of it. Mr. Hays, one of the donators before-mentioned, 
came on board, and behaved in the most obliging man- 
ner, telling me tliat he hoped my troubles were past ; 
for that the gentlemen of Cork determined to make my 
sea stores equal to that of the captain of the 8olel)ay ; 
he made an offer of live stock and wherewith to sup- 
port them ; but I knew this would be denied. And to 
crown all, did send me by another person, fifty guineas, 
out I could not reconcile receiving the whole to my 
own feelings, as it might have the appearance of ava- 
rice ; and therefore received but seven guineas oiily, 
and am coniident, not only from the exercise of the 
present well-timed generosity, but from a large ac- 
quaintance with gentlemen of this nation, :;hat as a 
people they excel in liberality and bravery. 

Two days after the receipt of the aforesaid donations, 
captain Symonds came on board full of envy towards 
the prisoners, and swore by all that is good, that the 
damned American rebels should not be feasted at this 
rate, by the damned rebels of Ireland ; he therefore 
took away all my liquors before-mentioned, except 
some of the wine which was secreted, and a two gallon 
jug of old spirits which was reserved for me per favor 
of lieutenant Douglass. The taking of my liquors was 
abominable in his sight; he therefore spoke in my 
behalf, till the captain was angry with him ; and in 
consequence, j/roceeded and took away all tlie tea and 
sugar, which had been given to the prisoners, and 
confiscated it to the use of the ship's crew. Our 
clothing was not taken away, but the ju-ivates were 
forced to do duty on board. Soon after this there came 
a boat to the side of the ship, and captain Symonds 
asked a gentleman in it, in my hearing, what his busi- 
ness was? who answered that he was sent to deliver 



*238 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

some sea stores to Col. Allen, which if I remember 
right, he said were sent from Dublin ; but the captain 
damned him heartily, ordering him away from the 
ship, and would not suffer him t(#deliver the stores. I 
was furthermore informed that the gentlemen in Cork, 
requested of captain Sjmonds, that 1 might be allowed 
to come into the city, and that they would be responsi- 
ble I should return to the frigate at a given time, which 
was denied them. 

We sailed from England on the 8th day of January, 
and from the cove of Cork on the 12th day of February. 
Just before we sailed, the prisoners with me were di- 
vided, and put on board three different ships of war. 
Tliis gave me some uneasiness, for they were to a man 
zealous in the cause of liberty, and behaved with a 
becoming fortitude in the various scenes of theii 
captivity; but those, who were distributed on board 
otner ships of war were much better used than those 
who tarried with me, as appeared afterwards. When 
the fleet, consisting of about forty-tive sail, including 
five men of war, sailed from the cove with a fresh 
breeze, the appearance was beautiful, al)stracted from 
the unjust and bloody designs they had in view. We 
had not sailed many daj's, before a miglity storm arose, 
which lasted near twenty-four hours without intermis- 
sion. The wind blew with relentless fury, and no man 
could remain on deck, except he was lashed fast, for 
the waves rolled over the deck by turns, with a forcible 
rapidity, and every soul on board was anxious for the 
preservation of the ship, alias, their lives. In tliis storm 
the Thunder-bomb man of war sprang a leak, and was 
afterwards floated to some part to the coast of England, 
and tlie crew saved. We were then said to be in the 
Bay of Biscay. After the storm abated, I could plainly 
di-cern the prisoners were better used for some consid- 
erable time. 

Nothing of consequence happened after this, till we 
sailed to the island of Madeira, except a certain fjivor 
1 had received of captain Symonds, in consequence 
of an application I made to him for the privilege of 
his t>ailor to make me a suit of clothes of the cloth 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTU iTY. 239 

bestowed on me in Ireland, which he generously 
granted. I could then walk the deck with a seeming 
better grace. AVhen we had reached Madeira, and 
anchored, sundry gentlemen with the captain went on 
shore, who I conclude, gave the rumor that 1 was in 
the frigate ; upon which I soon found that Irish gener- 
osity was again excited ; for a gentleman of that nation 
sent his clerk on board, to know of me if I would ac- 
cept a sea store from him, particularly wine. This mat- 
ter I made known to the generous lieutenant Douglass, 
who readily granted me the favor, provided the articles 
could be brought on board, during the time of his 
command ; adding that it would be a pleasure to him 
to serve me, notwithstanding the opposition he met 
with before. So I directed the gentleman's clerk to 
inform him that I was greatly in need of so signal a 
charity, and desired the young gentleman to make the 
utmost despatch, which he did ; but in the meantime, 
captain Symonds and his oflicers came on board, and 
immediately made ready for sailing; the wind at the 
same time being fair, set sail when the young gentle- 
man was in fair sight with the aforesaid store. 

The reader will doubtless recollect the seven guineas 
I received at the cove of Cork. These enabled me to 
purchase of the purser what I wanted, had not the 
captain strictly forbidden it, though I made. sundry 
applications to him for that purpose ; but his answer 
to me, when I was sick, was, that it was no matter how 
soon I was dead, and that he was no w^ays anxious to 
preserve the lives of rebels, but wished them all dead ; 
and indeed that was the language of most of the ship's 
crew. I expostulated not only with the captain, but 
with other gentlemen on board, on the unreasonableness 
of such usage; inferring that, inasmuch as the gov- 
ernment in England did not proceed against me as a 
capital offender, they should not ; for that they were 
by no means empowered by any authority, either civil 
or military, to do so; for the English government had 
acquitted me by sending me back a prisoner of war to 
America, and that they should treat me as such. I fur- 
ther drew an inference of impolicy on them, provided 

11 



24:0 ETHAIf ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

they should by hard usage destroy my life ; inasmuc / 
as I might, if living, redeem one of their officers ; but 
the captain replied, that he needed no directions of 
mine how to treat a rebel ; that the British would con- 
quer .the American rebels, hang the Congress, and 
such as promoted the rebellion, me in particular, and 
retake their own prisoners ; so that my life was of nc 
consequence in the scale of their policy. I gave him 
for answer that if they stayed till they conquered 
America, before they hanged me, I should die of old 
age^ and desired that till such an event took place, he 
would at least allow me to purchase of the purser, for 
my own money, such articles as I greatly needed ; but 
he would not permit it, and when I reminded him of 
the generous and civil usage that their prisoners in 
captivity in America met with, he said that it was not 
owing to their goodness, but to their timidity ; for, 
said he, they expect to be conquered, and therefore 
dare not misuse our prisoners ; and in fact this was 
the language of the British officers, till Burgoyne was 
taken ; happy event! and not only of the otiicers but 
the whole British army. I appeal to all my brother 
prisoners, who have been with the British in the south- 
ern department, for a confirmation of what I have 
advanced on this subject. The surgeon of the Solebay, 
whose name was North, was a very humane, obliging 
man, and took the best care of the prisoners who were 
sick. 

The third day of May we cast anchor in the harbor 
of Cape Fear, in North Carolina, as did Sir Peter 
Parker's ship, of 50 guns, a little back of the bar ; for 
there was not depth of water for him to come into the 
harbor. These two men of war, and fourteen sail of 
transports and others, came after, so that most of the 
fleet rendezvoused at Cape Fear, for three weeks. The 
soldiers on board the transports were sickly, in conse- 
quence of so long a passage; add to this the small- 
pox carried off many of them. They landed on the 
main, and formed a camp ; but the riflemen annoyed 
tliem, and caused them to move to an island in the 
harbor ; but such cursing of riflemen I never heard. 



NAKRATITE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITT. 241 

• 

A detachment of regulars was sent np Brunswick 
river; as they landed they Mere lired on by those 
marksmen, and tliey came back next day damning the 
robels tor their unmanly way of fighting, and swearing 
they would give no quarter, for they took sight at them, 
and were behind timber skulKing about. One of the 
detachments said they lost one man ; but a negro man 
who was with them, and heard what was said, soon 
after told me that he helped to bury thirty -one of them ; 
this did me some good to find my countrymen giving 
them battle ; for I never heard such swaggering as 
among Gen. Clinton's little army who commanded at 
that time ; and I am apt to think there were four thou- 
sand men, though not two thirds of them fit for duty. 
I heard numbers of them say, that the trees in America 
should hang well with fruit that camj^aign for they 
would give no quarter. This was in the mouths of 
most who I heard speak on the subject, officer as well 
as soldier. I wished at that time my countrymen 
knew, as well as I did, what a murdering and cruel 
enemy they had to deal with ; but experience has since 
taught this country what they are to expect at the hands 
of Britons when in their power. 

The prisoners, who had been sent on board different 
men of war at the cove of Cork, were collected together, 
and the whole of them piit on board the Mercury frig- 
ate, capt. James Montague, except one of the Cana- 
dians, who died on the passage from Ireland, and Peter 
Noble, who made his escape from the Sphynx man-of- 
war in this harbour, and, by extraordinary swimming, 
got safe home to New-England, and gave intelligence 
of the usage of his brother prisoners. The Mercury set 
sail from this port for Halifax, about the 20th of May, 
and Sir Peter Parker was about to sail with the land 
forces, under the command of Gen. Clinton, for the 
reduction of Charleston, the capitol of South-Carolina, 
and when I heard of his defeat in Halifax, it gave me 
inexpressible satisfaction. 

1 now found myself under a worse captain tlian 
Symonds ; for Montague was loaded with prejudices 
against every body and every thing that was not 



24:2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOD NT AIN H?:E0E9. 

t 

stamped with royalty; and being by nature nnder- 
witted, his wrath was heavier than the others, or at least 
his mind was in no instance liable to be diverted by 
good sense, hnmonr or bravery, of which Symonds was 
by turns susceptible. A Capt. Francis Proctor was 
added to our number of prisoners when we were first 
put on board this ship. This gentleman had formerly 
belonged to the English service. The captain, and in 
fine, all the gentlemen of the ship were very much 
incensed against him, and put him in irons without 
the least provocation, and he was continued in this 
miserable situation about three months. In this pas- 
sage the prisoners were infected with the scurvy, some 
more and some less, but most of them severely.^ The 
ship's crew was to a great degree troubled with it, and 
I concluded it was ca'tchii-ig. Several of the crew died 
with it on their passage. I was weak and feeble in 
consequence of so long and cruel a captivity, yet had 
but little of the scurvy. 

The purser was again pxpressly forbid by the cap- 
tain to let me have any thing out of his store ; upon 
which I went upon deck, and in the handsomest man- 
ner requested the favor of purchasing a few necessaries 
'of the purser, which was denied me ; he further told 
me, that I should be hanged as soon as I arrived at 
Halifax. I tried to reason the matter with him, but 
found him proof against reason ; I also held up his 
honor to view, and his behavior to me and the prison- 
ers in general, as being derogatory to it, but found his 
honor impenetrable. I then endeavored to touch his 
humanity, but found he had none; for his preposses- 
sion of bigotry to his. own party, had confirmed him 
in an opimon, that no humanity was due to unroyal- 
ists, but seemed to think that heaven and earth were 
made merely to gratify the King and his creatures; 
he uttered considerable unintelligil)le and grovelling 
ideas, a little tinctured with monarchy, but stood well 
to his text of hanging me. He afterwards forbade his 
surgeon to administer any help to the sick prisoners. 
1 w-as every night shut down in the cable tier, with the 
rest of the prisoners, and we all lived miserably while 



NAKKATIVE OF ALLEn's C^FriVIT"X. 243 

under his power. Bnt I received some generosity 
fiom several of tl)e midsliipnien, who in degree alle- 
viated my misery ; one of their names was Putrass, 
the names of the others 1 do not recoJlect ; but they 
were obh'ged to be private in the bestowment of their 
favor, which was sometimes good wine bitters, and at 
others a generous drink of grog. 

Sometime in the first week of June, w^e came to 
anchor at the Hook off New York, where we remained 
but three days ; in which time Governor Tryon, Mr. 
Kemp, the oki attorney general of New York, and 
several other perfidious and over grown tories and 
land-jobbers, came on board. Tryon viewed me with 
a stern countenance, as I was walking on the lee- 
ward side of tlie deck with the midshipmen; and he 
and his companions were walking with the captain and 
lieutenant, on the windward side of the same, but never 
spoke to me, though it is altogether probable that he 
thought of the old quarrel between him, the old gov- 
ernment of New York, and the Green-Mountain Boys. 
Then they went with the captain into the cabin, and 
the same afternoon returned on board a vessel, where 
at that time they took sanctuary from the resentment 
of tiieir injured country. What passed between the 
ofiicers of the ship and these visitors I know not ;. but 
this I know that my treatment from the officers was 
more severe afterwards. 

We arrived at Halifax not far from the middle of 
June, where the ship's crew, which was infested with 
the scurvy, were taken on shore and shallow trenches 
(!ug, into which they were put, and partly covered 
with earth. Indeed every proper measure was taken 
for their relief. The prisoners were not permitted any 
sort of medicine, but were put on board a sloop. which 
lay in the harbor, near the town of Halifax, surrounded 
by several men-of-war and their tenders, and a guard 
constantly set over them, night and day. The sloop 
we had wholly to ourselves except the guard who oc- 
cu]u'ed the forecastle : here we were cruelly pinched 
with hunger ; it seemed to me that we had not more 
than one third of the common allowance. We vvero 



24:4 ETHAN ALLEN AND G KEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

all seized with violent hunger and faintness ; we divi- 
ded our scanty allowance as exact as possible. I shared 
the same fate with the rest, and though tiiey offered 
me more than an even share, 1 refused to accept it, as 
it was a time of substantial distress, which in my 
opinion I ought to partake equally with the rest, and 
set an example of virtue and fortitude to our little 
commonwealth. 

I *ent letter after letter to captain Montague, who 
still had the care of us, and also to Lis lieutenant, 
whose name I cannot call to mind, but coula obtain no 
answer, much less a redress of grievances ; and to add 
to the calamity, nearly a dozen of the prisoners were 
dangerously ill of the scurvy. I wrote private letters 
to tfie doctors, to procure, if possible, some remedy for 
the sick, but in vain. The chief physician came by in 
a boat, so close that the oars touched the sloop that we 
were in, and I uttered my complaint in the genteelest 
manner to him, but he never so much as turned his 
head, or made me any answer, though I continued 
speaking till he got out of hearing. Our cause then 
became deplorable. Still I kept writing to the cap- 
tain, till he ordered the guards, as they told me, not 
to Ijring any more letters from me to him. In the 
mean time an event happened worth relating. One of 
the men almost dead with the scurvy, lay by the side 
of the sloop, and a canoe of Indians coming by, he 
purchased two quarts of strawberries, and ate them at 
once, and it almost cured him. The money he gave 
for them, was all the money he had in the world. 
After that we tried every way to procure more of that 
fruit, reasoning from analogy that they might have the 
same effect on others infested with the same disease, 
but could obtain none. 

Meanwhile the doctor's mate of the Mercury camo 
privately on board the prison sloop and presented me 
with a large vial of smart drops, wliich proved to be 
good for the scurvy, though vegetables and some other 
ingredients were requisite for a cure; but the drops 
gave at least a check to the disease. This wacs a well- 
timed exertion of humanity, but the doctor's n^me hat 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 245 

clipped my mind, and in my opinion, it was the means 
01 Gaving tlie lives of several men. 

Ttie guard, which was set over us, was by this time 
touched with feelings of compassion ; and I finally 
trusted one of them with a letter of complaint to gov- 
ernor Arbuthnot, of Halifax, which he found means to 
communicate, and which had the desired effect ; for 
the governor senit an officer and surgeon on board the 
prison sloop, to know the truth of the complaint. The 
ofiicer's name was Russell, who held the rank of lieu- 
tenant, and treated me in a friendly and polite manner, 
and was really angry at the cruel and unmanly usage 
the prisoners met with ; and with the surgeon made a 
true report of matters to governor Arbuthnot, who, 
either by his order or influence, took us next day from 
the prison sloop to Halifax jail, where I first became 
acquainted with the now Hon. jame& Lovel, one of the 
members of Congress for the state of Massachusetts. 
The sick were taken to the hospital, and the Can- 
adians, who were effective, were employed in the 
King's works ; and when their countrymen were re- 
covered from the scurvy and joined them, they all 
deserted the king's employ, and were not heard of at 
Halifax, as long as the remainder of the prisoners con- 
tinued there, which was till near the middle of October. 
We were on board the prison sloop about six weeks, 
and were landed at Halifax near the middle of August. 
Several of our English-American prisoners, who were 
cured of the scurvy at the hospital, made their escape 
from thence, and after a long time reached their old 
habitations. 

I had now but thirteen with me, of those who were 
taken in Canada, and remained in jail with me at Hal- 
ifax, who, in addition to those that were imprisoned 
before, made our number about thirty-foUr, who were 
all locked up in one common large room, without re- 
gard to rank, education or any other accomplishment, 
where we continued from the setting to the rising sun : 
and, as sundry of them were infected with the jail 
and other distempers, the furniture of this spacious 
room consisted principally of excrement tubs. Wo 



24:6 ETHAN AI.LEN AND GEE EN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

petitioned for a removal of the sick into the hospitals, 
but were denied. We rerr.onstrated against the un- 
generous usage of being confined with the privates, 
as being contrary to the laws and customs of nations. 
and particularly ungrateful in them in consequence of 
the gentleman-like usage which the British imprisonecl 
officers met with in America ; and thus we wearied 
ourselves, petitioning and remonstrating, but to no pur- 
pose at all ; for general Massey, who commanded at 
Halifax, was as inflexible as the devil himself, a fine 
preparative this for Mr. Lovel, member of the Con- 
tinental Congress. 

Lieutenant Russell, whom I have mentioned before, 
came to visit me in prison, and assured me that he had 
done his utmost to procure my parole for enlargement ; 
at which a British captain, who was then town-major, 
expressed compassion for the gentlemen confined in 
the filthy place, and assured me that he had used his 
influence to procure their enlargement ; his name was 
near like Bamsey. Among the prisoners there w^ere 
five in number, who had a legal claim to a parole, a 
Mr. Howl and, master of a continental armed vessel, a 
Mr. Taylor, his mate, and myself. 

As to the article of provision, we were well served/ 
much better than in any part of my captivity ; and 
since it was Mr. Lovel's misfortunes and mine to be 
prisoners, and in so wretched circumstances, I was 
happy that we were together as a mutual support to 
each other, and to the unfortunate prisoners with us. 
Our first attention was the preservation of ourselves 
and injured little republic ; the rest of our time we 
devoted interchangeably to politics and philosophy, as 
patience was a needful exercise in so evil a situation, 
but contentment mean and impracticable. 

I had not been in this jail many days, before a 
worthy and charitable woman, by the name of Mfs. 
Blacden, supplied me with a good dinner of fresh 
meats, every day, with garden fruit, and sometimes 
with a bottle of wine : notwithstanding which I had 
not been more than three weeks in this place before I 
lost my appetite to the most delicious food, by the jail 



NAKKATIVE OF ALLEJs'fc CAPTIVn I". 247 

distemper, as also did sundry of the prisoners, partic- 
ularly a sergeant Moore, a man of courage and fidelity 
I have several times seen him hold the boatswain of 
the Solebay frigate, vi'hen he attempted to strike him, 
and laughed him out of conceit of using him as a 
slave. 

A doctor visited the sick, and did the best, as I sup- 
pose, he could for them, to no apparent purpose. I 
grew weaker and weaker, as did the rest. Several of 
them could not help themselves. At last I reasoned 
in my own mind, that raw onion would be good. I 
made use of it, and found immediate relief by it, as 
did the sick in general, particularly sergeant Moore, 
whom it recovered almost from the shades ; though I 
had met with a little revival, still I found the malig- 
nant hand of Britain had greatly reduced my constitu- 
tioQ with stroke upon stroke. Esquire Lovel and 
myself used every ai-gument and entreaty that could 
be well conceived of in order to obtain gentleman-like 
usage, to no purpose. I then wrote Gen. Massey as 
severe a letter as I possibly could with my friend 
Lovel's assistance. Tlie contents of it was to give the 
British, as a nation, and him as an individual, their 
true character. This roused the rascal, for he could 
not bear to see his and the nation's deformity in that 
transparent letter, which I sent him ; he therefore put 
himself in a sreat ras^e about it, and showed the letter 
to a number of British otiicers, particularly to captam 
Smith of the Lark fi-igate, who, instead of joining wi^h 
him in disapprobation, commended the s])irit of it * 
upon which general Massey said to him do you take the 
part of a rebel against me? Captain Smith answered 
tluit he rather spoke his sentiments and, there was a 
dissention in opinion between them. Some ofhcers 
took the part of the general, and others of the captain. 
This I was informed of by a gentleman who had it 
from captain Smith. 

In a few days after this, the prisoners were ordered 
to go on board of a man-of-war, which was bound for 
iNew York ; but two of them were not able to go on 
board, and wtre left at Halifax ; one died ; and the 

11* 



248 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

other recovered. This was about the 12th of October, 
and soon after we had got on board, the captain sent 
for me in particular to come on the qnarter deck. I 
went, not knowing that it was captain Smith, or his 
ship, at that lime, and expected to meet the same rig- 
orous usage I had commonly met with, and prepared 
my mind accordingly ; but when I came on deck, the 
captain met me with his hand, welcomed me to his 
ship, invited m^ to dine with him that day, and as- 
sured me that I should be treated as a gentleman, and 
that he had given orders, that 1 should be treated with 
respect by the ship's crew. This was so unexpected 
and sudden a transition, that it drew tears from my 
eyes, which all the ill usage I had before met with, 
was not able to produce, nor could I at first hardly 
speak, but soon recovered myself and expressed my 
gratitude for so unexpected a favor ; and let him know 
that I felt anxiety of mind in reflecting that his sit- 
uation and mine was such, that it was not probable 
that it would ever be in my power to return the favor. 
Captain Smith replied, that he had no reward in view, 
but only treated me as a gentleman ought to be 
treated ; he said this is a mutable world, and one gen- 
tleman never knows but it may be in his power to help 
another. Soon after I found this to be the same cap- 
tain Smith who took my part against general Massey ; 
out he never mentioned any thing of it to me, and I 
thought it impolite in me to interrogate him, as to any 
disputes which might have arisen between him and the 
general on my account, as I was a prisoner, and that it 
was at his option to make free with me on that subject, 
if he pleased ; and if he did not, I might take it for 
granted that it would be unpleasing for me to query 
about it, though I had a strong propensity to converse 
with him on that subject. 

I dined with the captain agreeable to his invitation, 
and oftentimes with the lieutenant, in the gun-room, 
but in general ate and drank with my friend Lovel 
and the other gentlemen who were prisoners with me, 
V'h'^re 1 also sle])t. 

Wo had a little biith enclosed with canvas, between^ 



NARKATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 249 

decks, where we enjoyed ourselves very well, in hopes 
of an exchange ; besides, our friends at Halifax had a 
little notice of our departure, and supplied us, with 
spirituous liquor, and many articles of provisions for 
the cost. Captain Burk, having been taken prisoner, 
was added to our company, (he had commanded an 
American armed vessel,) and was generously treated 
by the captain and all the officers of the ship, as well 
as myself. We now had in all near thirty prisoners on 
board, and as we were sailing along the coast, if I re- 
collect right, off Rhode-Island, captain Burk, with an 
under officer of the ship, whose name I do not recol- 
lect, came to our little berth, proposed to kill captain 
Smith and the principal officers of the frigate and take 
it ; adding that there were thirty-five thousand pounds 
sterling in the same. Captain Burk likewise averred 
that a strong party out of the ship's crew was in the 
conspiracy, and urged me, and the gentleman that was 
with me, to use our influence with the private prison- 
ers, to execute the design, and take the ship with the 
cash into one of our own ports. 

Upon which I replied, that we had been too well 
used on board to murder the officers ; that I could by 
no means reconcile it to my conscience, and that, in 
fact, it should not be done ; and while I was yet speak- 
ing, my friend Lovel confirmed what I had said, and 
farther pmnted out the ungratefulness of such an act ; 
that it did not fall short of murder, and in fine all the 
gentlemen in the berth opposed captain Burk and his 
colleague. But they strenuously urged that the con- 
spiracy would be found out, and that it would cost 
them their lives, provided they did not execute their 
design. I then interposed spiritedly, and put an end 
to further argument on the subject, and told them that 
they might depend upon it, upon my honor, that I 
would faithfully guard captain Smith's life. If they 
should attempt the assault, I would assist him, for they 
desired me to remain neuter, and that the same 
lionor that guarded captain Smith's life, would. alsjd 
guard theirs ; and it was agreed by those present nBt 
to reve'U the conspiracy, to the intent that no ihafl 



250 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

should be pat to death, in consequence of what had 
been projected ; ani captain Burk and his colleague 
went to stifle the matter among their associates. I 
could not help calling to mind what captain Smith 
said to me, when I first catoe on board : "This is a 
mutable world, and one gentleman never knows but 
that it may be in his power to help another." Captain 
Smith and his officers still behaved with their usual 
courtesy, and I never heard any more of the conspiracy. 
We arrived before New- York, and cast anchor the 
latter part of October, where we remained several 
days, and where captain Smith informed me, that he 
had recommended me to admiral Howe and general 
Sir Wm. Howe, as a gentleman of honor and veracity, 
and desired that I might be treated as such. Captain 
Burk was then ordered on board a prison-ship in the 
harbor. I took my leave of captain Smith, and with 
the other prisoners, was sent on board a transport 
ship, which lay in the harbor, commanded by captain 
Craige, who took me into the cabin with him and his 
lieutenant. I fared as they did, and was in every 
respect well treated, in consequence of directions from 
captain Smith. In a few weeks after this I had the 
happiness to part with my friend Lovel, for his sake, 
whom the enemy afiected to treat as a private ; he was 
a gentleman of merit, and liberally educated, but had 
no commission ; thev malicrned him on account of his 
unshaken attachment to the cause of his country. He 
was exchanged for a governor Philip Skene of tlie 
British. I was continued in this ship till the latter part 
of November, where I contracted an acquaintance with 
the captain ol:' the British ; his name has slipped my 
memory. He was what we may call a genteel, hearty 
fellow. I remember an expression of his over a bottle 
of wine, to this import: "That there is a greatness 
of soul for personal friendship to subsist between you 
and me, as we are upon opposite sides, and may at 
another day be obliged to face each other in the field." 
I am confident that he was as faithful as any officer in 
the British army. At another sitting he offered to bet 
a dozen of wine, that fort Washington would be in the 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVH^T. M51 

hands of the British in three days. I stood the bet, 
and would, had 1 known that that would have been the 
case ; and the third day afterwards we heard a heavy 
cannonade, and that day the fort was taken sure enough. 
Some montjis after, when I was on parole, he called upon 
m^ with his usual humor, and mentioned the bet. I 
acknowledged I had lost it, but he said he did not mean 
to take it then, as I was a prisoner ; that he would 
another day call on me, when their army came to Ben- 
nington. I replied that he was quite too generous, as 
I had fairly lost, it; besides, the Green-Mountain-Boys 
would not suffer them to come to Bennington. This 
was all in good humor. I should have been glad to 
have seen him after the defeat at Bennington, but did 
not. It was customary for a guard to attend the pris- 
oners, which was often changed. One was composed 
of tories from Connecticut, in the vicinity of Fairfield 
and Green Farms. The sergeant's name was Hoit. 
They were very full of their invectives against the 
country, swaggered of their loyalty to their king, and 
exclaimed bitterly against the "cowardl}^ yankees," as 
they were pleased to term them, but finally contented 
themselves with saying, that when the country was 
overcome, they should be well rewarded for their loy- 
alty out of the estates of the whigs, which would be 
confiscated. This 1 found to be the general lano^uaofe 
ot the tories, after I arrived from England on the 
American coast. I heard sundry of them relate, that 
the British generals had engaged them an ample reward 
for their losses, disappointments and expenditures, out 
of the forfeited rebels' estates. This lanmiage earlv 
taught me what to do with tories' estates, as far as my 
influence can go. For it is really a game of hazard 
between whig and tory. The whigs must inevitably 
liave lost all, in consequence of the abilities of the 
tories, and their good friends the British ; and it is 
no more than right the tories should run the same 
risk, in consequence of the abilities of the whigs. But 
of this more will be observed in the sequel of this 
uarrative. 

S')me of the last days of November, the prisoners 



'252 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

were landed at ]^ew-York, and I was admitted to paroU< 
with the other officers, viz: Proctor, llowianJ, and 
Taylor. Tlie privates were put into filthy chinches in 
New-York, with the distressed prisoners that were taken 
at Fort Washington ; and the second night, sergeant 
Roger Moore, who was bold and enterprising, found 
means to make his escape with every of the remaining 
prisoners that were taken with me, except three, who 
were soon after exchanged. So that out of thirty-one 
prisoners, who went with me the round exhibited in 
these sheets, two only died with the enem^^ and three 
only were exchanged ; one of wbom died after he came 
jv'ithin our lines; all the rest, at different times, made 
their escape from the enemy. 

I now found myself on parole, and restricted to the 
limits of the city of New-York, where I soon projected 
means to live in some measure agreeably to my rank, 
though I was destitute of cash. My constitution was 
almost worn out by such a long and barbarous captivity. 
The enemy gave out that I was crazy, and wholly un- 
manned, but my vitals held sound, nor was I delirious 
any more than I had been from youth up ; but my 
extreme circumstances, at certain times, rendered it 
politic to act in some measure the madman ; and in 
consequence of a regular diet and exercise, my blood 
recruited, and my nerves in a great measure recovered 
their former tone, strength and usefulness, in the course 
of six months. 

I next invite the reader to a retrosj^ective sight and 
consideration of the doleful scene of inhumanity ex- 
ercised by general Sir William Howe, and the army 
under his command, towards the prisoners taken on 
Long-Island, on the 27th of August, 1776 ; sundry of 
whom were, in an inhuman and barbarous manner, 
murdered after they had surrendered their arms; par- 
ticularly a general Odel, or Wood hull, of the militia, 
who was backed to pieces with cutlasses, when alive, 
by the light horsemen, and a captain Fellows, of the 
continental army, who was thrust through with a bay- 
onet, of which wound he died instantly. Sundry others 
were hanged up by the neck till they were dead ; five 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 253 

on the limb of a white oak tree, and without .any rea 
son assigned, except that they were fighting in defence 
of tlie only blessing worth preserving. And indeed 
those who had the misfortune to fall into tlieir hands 
at Fort Washington, in the month of November fol 
lowing, met witli very little better usage, except that 
the}' were reserved from hnmediate death to famish 
and die with hunger; in fine, the word rebel, applied 
to any vanquished persons, without regard to rank, 
who were in the continental service, on the 'STth of 
August aforesaid, was thougiit, by the enemy, sufficient 
to sanctify whatever cruelties they were pleased to 
inflict, death itself not excepted ; but to pass over 
particulars which would swell my narrative far beyond 
mv desiojn. 

Tlie private soldiers, who were brought to New 
York, were crowded into churches, and environed 
with slavish liessian guards, a people of a strange 
language, who wei'e sent to America for no otherdesign 
but cruelty and desolation ; and at otliers, by merci- 
less Britons whose mode of communicating ideas being 
intelligible in this country, served only to tantalize 
and insult the helpless and perishing; but above all, 
the hellish delight and triumph of the tories over 
them, as they were dying by hundreds. This was too 
much for me to bear as a spectator ; for 1 saw the 
tories exultinof over the dead bodies of their murdered 
countrymen. 1 have gone into the churches, and 
seen sundry of the prisoners in the agonies of death, 
in consequence of very hunger, and others speechless, 
and very near death, biting ])ieces of chips; others 
pleading for God's sake, for scwietliing to eat, and at 
the same time, shivering with the cold. Hollow 
groans saluted my ears, and despair seemed to be 
imprinted on every of their countenances. Tiie filth 
in these churches, in consequence of the fluxes, was 
almost beyond description. The floors were covered 
witii excrements. I have carefully sought to direct 
my steps so as to avoid it, but could not. They would 
V»eg for God'8 sake for one copper, or morsel of 
bread. 1 have seen in one of these churches seven 



254r ETHAN ALT.EN AND GREEN -MO CNTAIN HEROES. 

dead, at the same time, lying among the excrements 
of their bodies. 

It was a common practice with the enemy, to con- 
vey the dead from these filthy places, in carts, to be 
slightly buried, and I have seen whole gangs of tories 
making derision, and exulting over the dead, saying, 
there goes another load of damned rebels. I havo 
observed the British soldiers to be full of their black- 
guard jokes, and vaunting on those occasions, but 
they appeared to me less malignant than tories. 

The provision, dealt out to the prisoners was by no 
means sufficient for the support of life. It was defi- 
cient in quantity, and much more so in quality. The 
prisoners often presented me with a sample of their 
bread, which I certify was damaged to that degree, 
that it was loathsome and unfit to be eaten, and I am 
bold to aver it, as my opinion, that it had been con- 
demned, and was of the very worst sort. I have 
seen and been fed upon damaged bread, in the course 
of my captivity, and observed the quality of such 
bread as has been condemned by the enemy, amoiii, 
which was very little so eflectually spoiled as what 
was dealt out to these prisoners. Their allowance of 
meat (as they told me) was quite trifling, and of the 
basest sort. I never saw any of it, but was informed, 
that bad as it was, it was swallowed almost as q'uick 
as they got hold of it. I saw some of them sucking 
bones after they were speechless ; others, who could 
yet speak, and had the use of their reason, urged me 
in tlie strongest and most pathetic manner, to use my 
interest in their behalf; for 3'OU plainly see, said they, 
that we are devoted to death and destruction ; and 
after I had examined more particularly into their truly 
deplorable condition, and had become more fully 
apprized of the essential facts, I was persuaded that 
it was a premeditated and systematical plan of the 
British council, to destroy the youths of our land, with 
a view thereby to deter the country, and make it 
submit to their despotism ; but that I could not do 
them any material service, and that, by any public 
attempt Ibr that purpose, I might endanger myseLt* by 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 255 

frequenting places the most nauseous and contagious 
that could be conceived of. I refrained going into 
churches, but frequently conversed with sucli of the 
prisoners as were admitted to come out into the yard, 
and found that the systematical usage still continued. 
The guard would often drive me away with their fixed 
bayonets. A Hessian one day followed me five or six 
rods, but by making use of my legs, I got rid ot* the 
lubber. Sometimes I could obtain a little conversa- 
tion, notwithstanding their severities. 

I was in one of the church yards, and it was 
rumored among those in the church, and sundry of 
the prisoners came with their usual complaints to me, 
and among the rest a large boned, tall young man, as 
lie told me, from Pennsylvania, who was reduced to a 
mere skeleton ; he said he was glad to see me before 
lie died, which he expected to have done last night, 
but was a little revived ; he furthermore informed 
me, that he and his brother had been urged to enlist 
into the British Army, but both had resolved to die 
first ; that his brother had died last night, in conse- 
quence of that resolution, and that he expected shortly 
to follow him; .but I made the other prisoners stand 
a little off, and told him with a low voice to enlist ; 
be then asked, whether it was right in the sight of 
God ! I assured him that it was, and that duty to him- 
self obliged him to deceive the British by enlisting 
and deserting the first opportunity; upon w^hich he 
answered with transport that he would enlist. I 
charged him not to mention my name as his adviser, 
lest it should get air, and I should be closely confin-d, 
in consequence of it. The integrity of these suffering 
prisoners is hardly credible. Many hundreds. I am 
confident, submitted to death, rather than to enlist in 
the British service, which, I am informed, they most 
generally were pressed to do. I was astonished at 
the resolution of the two brothers particularly;' it seems 
that they could not be stimulated to such exertions of 
heroism from ambition, as they were but obscure sol- 
*diers ; strong indeed must the internal principle of 
virtue be, which supported them to brave death, and 



256 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

one of them went through the operation, as did many 
hundred others. I readily grant that instances of 
public virtue are no excitement to the sordid and 
vicious, nor, on the other hand, will all the barbarity 
of Britain and Heshland awaken them to a sense of 
their duty to the pablic; but these things will have 
their proper effect on the generous and brave. The 
officers on parole were most of them zealous, if possi- 
ble, to afford the miserable soldiery relief, and often 
consulted with one another on the subject, but to no 
effect, being destitute of the means of subsistence, 
which they needed ; nor could the officers project any 
measure, which they thought would alter their fate, 
or so much as be a means of getting them out of thoso 
filthy places to the privilege of fresh air. Some pro- 
jected that all the officers should go in procession to 
General Howe, and plead the cause of the perishing 
soldiers; but this proposal was negatived for the fol- 
lowing reasons, viz : because that general -Howe must 
needs be well acquainted, and have a thorough know- 
ledge of the state and condition of the prisoners in 
every of tlieir wretched apartments, and that much 
more particular and exact than any officer on parole 
could be supposed to have, as the general had a return 
of the circumstances of the prisoners, by his own 
officers, every morning, of the number which were 
alive, as also the number which died every twenty- 
four hours ; and consequently the bill of mortality, as 
collected from the daily returns, lay before him with 
all the material situations and circumstances of the 
prisoners ; and provided the officers should go in pro- 
cession to general Howe, according to the projection, 
it would give him the greatest affront, and that he 
would either retort upon them, that it was no part of 
their parole to instruct him in his conduct to prison 
ers ; that they were mutining against his authority, 
and by affronting him, had forfeited their parole ; or 
that, more probably, instead of saying one word to 
them, would order them all into as wretched coniine- 
iiient as the soldiers whom they sought to relieve: 
for, at that time, the Briti^h, from the general to th > 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 257 

private sentinel, were in full confidence, nor did they 
60 niucli as hesitate, but that they should con([iier the 
country. Thus the consultation of the otticers was 
confounded and broken to pieces, in consequence of 
the dread, which at that time lay on their minds, of 
offending Gen. Howe ; for they conceived so murder- 
ous a tyrant would not be too good to desti'oy even 
the officers, on the least pretence of an affront, as 
they were equally in his power with the soldiers; 
and, as Gen. Howe perfectly understood the condi- 
tion of the private soldiers, it was argued that it was 
exactly such as he and his council had devised, and 
as he meant to destroy them, it would be to no pur- 
pose for them to try to dissuade him from it, as they 
were helpless and liable to the same fate, on giving 
the least affront ; indeed anxious apprehensions dis- 
tuibud them in their then circumstances. 

Mean time mortality raged to such an intolerable 
degree among the prisoners, that the very school boys 
in the streets knew the mental design of it in some 
measure ; at least, they knew that they were starved 
to death. Some poor women contributed to their 
necessity, till their children were almost starved, and 
all persons of common understanding knew that they 
were devoted to the crudest and worst of deaths. It 
was also proposed by some. to make a written repre- 
sentation of the condition of the soldiery, and the 
officers to sign it, and that it should be couclied in 
such terms, as though they were apprehensive that 
the General was imposed upon by his officers, in their 
daily returns to him of the state and condition of the 
prisoners ; and that therefore the otticers, moved with 
compassion, were constrained to communicate to him 
the facts relative to them, nothing doubting but that 
thev would meet with a speedy redress; but this pro- 
posal was most generally negatived also, and for much 
the same reason offered in tlie other case; for it was 
conjectui*ed that Gen. Howe's iu'Hii^nation would be 
moved against such officers as should attemi)t to whip 
him over his officers' backs ; that he would discern 
that himself was really struck at, and not the officers 



258 ETHAN AI.LEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

who made the daily returns ; and therefore self-preser 
vation deterred the officers from either petitioning or 
remonstrating to Gen. Howe, either verbally or in 
writing; as also the consideration that no valuable 
purpose to the distressed would be obtained. 

I made several rough drafts on the subject, one of 
which I exhibited to the colonels Magaw, Miles and 
Atlee, and they said that thf^^ would consider the 
matter ; soon after I called on tnem, and some of the 
gentlemen informed me that the3^ had written to the 
general on the subject, and I concluded that the gen- 
tlemen thought it best that they should write witliout 
me, as there was such spirited aversion subsisting 
between the British and me. 

In the mean time a colonel" ITussecker, of the conti- 
nental army, as he then reported, was taken prisoner, 
and brought to I^ew-York, who gave out that tl;e 
country .was almost universally submitting to the 
English king's authority, and that there would belittle 
or no more opposition to Great-Britain. Tiiis at first 
gave the officers a little shock, but in a few days they 
recovered themselves ; for this colonel Hussecker, 
being a German, was feasting with general De Heister, 
his countryman, and from his conduct they were 
apprehensive that he was a knave ; at least he was 
esteemed so by most of the officers ; it was neverthe- 
less a day of trouble. The enemy blasphemed. Our 
little army was retreatins^ in JSTew-elersev, and our 
young men murdered by hundreds in New- York. The 
army of Britain and Ilesldand prevailed for a little 
season, as though it was ordered by Heaven to shew, 
to the latest posterity, what the British would have 
done if they could, and what the general calamity 
must have been, in consequence of their conquering 
the country, and to excite everj^ honest man to stand 
forth in the defence of liberty, and to establish the 
independency of the United States of America for- 
ever. But this scene of adverse fortune did not dis- 
courage a "Washington. The illustrious American 
hero remained immoveable. In liberty's cause he took 
up his sword. Thi«* reflection was his support and 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'S CAPl'IVITY. 259 

consolation in the day of his humiliation, when he 
retreated before the enemy, thront^h Xevv-Jersey into 
Pennsylvania. Their triumph only roused his indig- 
nation ; and the important cause of his country, which 
lay near liis heart, moved him to cross the Delaware 
again, and take ample satisfaction on his pursuers. 
No sooner had he circumvallated his haughty foes, and 
appeared in terrible array, but the host of lieshland 
fell. This taught America the intrinsic worth of per- 
severance, and the generous sons of freedom flew to 
the standard of their common safeguard and defence ; 
from which time the arm of American liberty liatL 
prevailed. 

This surprise and capture of the Hessians enraged 
the enemy, who were still vastly more numerous than 
the continental troops. They therefore collected, and 
marched from Princetown to attack general Washing- 
ton, who was then at Trenton, having previously left a 
detachment from their main body at Princeton, for the 
support of that place. This was a trying time, for our 
worth}'- general, though in possession of a late most 
astonishing victory, was by no means able to withstand 
the collective forces of the enemy ; but his sagacity 
soon suggested a stratagem to effect that which, by 
force, to him was at that time impracticable. lie 
therefore amused the enemy with a number of fires, and 
in the night made a forced inarch, undiscovered by 
them, and next morning fell in with their rear-guard 
at Princetown, and killed and took most of them prison- 
ers. The main body too late perceived their rear was 
attacked, hurried back with all speed, but to their mor- 
tification, found that they were out-generalled and baf- 
fled by general Washington, who was retired with his 
little army towards Morristown, and was out of their 
power. These repeated successes, one on the back of 
the other, chagrined the enemy prodigiously, and had 
an amazing operation in the scale of American pol- 
itics, and undoubtedly was one of the corner stones, on 
which their fair structure of Independency has been 
fabricated, for the country at no other time has ever 
been so much dispirited as just before the morning of 



260 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTATN HEROES. 

this glorious success, which in part dispelled tho 
glooniy clouds of oppression and slavery, which lay 
pending over America, big with the ruin of this and 
future generations, and enlightened and spirited her 
sons to redouble their blow§ on a merciless, and 
haughty, and I may add perfidious enemy. 

Farthermore, this success had a mighty effect on 
general Howe and his council, and roused them to a 
sense of their own weakness, and convinced them that 
they were neither omniscient nor omnipotent. Their 
obduracy and death-designing malevolence, in some 
measure, abated, or was suspended. The prisoners, 
who were condemned to the most wretched and cru- 
dest of^ deaths, and who survived to this period, though 
most of them died before, were in^mediately ordered 
to be sent within general Washington's lines for an 
exchange, and, in consequence of it, were taken out of 
•their lilthy and poisonous places of confinement, and 
sent from New- York to their friends in haste; several 
of them fell dead in the streets of ]S"ew-York, as they 
attempted to walk to the vessels in the harbor, for their 
intended embarkation. What numbers lived to reach 
the lines 1 cannot ascertain, but, from concurrent rep- 
resentations which I have since received from numbers 
of people who lived in and adjacent to such parts of 
the country, where they were received from the enemy, 
I apprehend that most ol' them died in consequence of 
the vile usage of tlie enemy. Some who were eye 
witnesses of that scene of mortality, more especially m 
that part which continued after the exchange took 
place, are of opinion, that it was partly in consequence 
of a slow poison ; but this I refer to the doctors who 
attended them, who are certainly the best judges. 

Upon the best calculation 1 have been able to make 
from personal knowledge, and the many evidences I 
have collected in support of the facts, I learn that, of 
the prisoners taken on Long-Island, Fort Washington, 
and some few others, at different times and places, 
about two thousand perished with hunger, cold and 
sickness, occasioned by the filth of their prisons, at 
New- York, and a number more on their passage to the 



NAKKATITE 01 ALLEn's CAPnYITT. 201 

continental lines. Most ■>f the residue, who reached 
their friends, having received tlieir death wound, could 
not be restored by the assistance of physicians and 
friends ; but like their br^^ther prisoners, fell a sacrifice 
to the relentless and scievtific barbarity of Britain. I 
took as much pains as r>?y circumstances would admit 
of, to inform myself P'^t only of matters of fact, but 
likewise of the very de-^^'gn and aims of general Plowe 
and his council. The '-itter of which I predicated on 
the former, and subnut it to the candid public. 

And lastly, the a/o»'osaid success of the American 
arms had a happy off-ect on the continental officers, 
who were on parole ftt Kew-York. A number of us 
assembled, but not m a public manner, and with full 
bowls and glasses, drank general Washington's health, 
and were not unmir^dful of Congress and our worthy 
friends on the continent, and almost forgot that we 
were prisoners. 

A few days after this recreation, a British officer of 
rank and ifxportanre in their arm}^ whose name I shall 
not mention in tliis narrative, for certain reasons, 
though I have mentioned it to some of my close friends 
and contId9.nts, 8ent for me to his lodgings, and told me 
"That faithfulness, though iri a wrong cause, had nev- 
ertheless recommended me to general Sir William 
liowe, TPbo was minded to make me a colonel of a reg- 
iment of new levies, alias tories, in the British service ; 
and proposed that I should go with him, and some 
other officer?, to England, who would embark for that 
purpose in a few days, and there be introduced to Lord 
G. Germaine, and probably to the King ; and that 
previously I should be clothed equal to such an intro- 
duction, and, instead of paper rags, be paid in hard 
guineas ; after this, should embark with general Bur- 
goyne. and assist in the reduction of the country, which 
infallibly would be conquered, and, when that should 
be done, I should have a large tract of land, either in 
the New-Hampshire grants, or in Connecticut, it would 
make no odds, as the country would be forfeited to the 
crown." I then replied, "That, if by faithfulness 1 
had recommended myself to general Howe, I should 



262 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREENtMODNTAIN HEROES. 

he loth, by unfaithful r ess, to lose the general's good 
opinion ; besides, that 1 viewed the offer of land to be 
similar to that which the devil offered Jesus Christ, 
*To give him all the kingdoms of the world, if he 
M'ould fall down and worship him ; when at the same 
time, the damned soul had not one foot of land upon 
earth.' " This closed the conversation, and the gentle- 
man turned from me with an air of dislike, saying, that 
1 was a bigot ; upon which I retired to my lodgings.* 

• All anecdote of a different character is told of Allen's sojourn in 
New York. Rivington, the " king's printer," a forcible and venoraous 
writer, had incurred Allen's enmity by his caustic allusions to him, and 
the hero of Ticonderoga swore " he would lick Rivington the very first 
opportunity he had !" How the printer escaped the threatened castiga- 
tion shall be narrated in his own words : I was sitting, [says Riving- 
ton,] afier a good dinner, alone, with my bottle of Madeira before me, 
■when I heard an unusual noise in the street, and a huzza from the boys. 
I was in the second story, and, stepping to the window, saw a tall figure 
in tarnished regimentals, with a lar^je cocked bat and an enormous long 
sword, followed by a crowd of boys, who occasionally cheered him with 
huzzas, of which he seemed insensible. He came up to my door and 
stopped. I could see no more. My heart told me it was Ethan ^Uen. 
I shut my window and retired behind ray table and my bottle. I was 
certain the hour of reckoning had come. There was no retreat Mr. 
Staples, my clerk, came in paler than ever, and, clasping his hands, said, 
" Master, he has come I " "I know it." " He entered the store and 
asked ' if James Rivington lived there ? ' I answered, ' Yes, sir.' * Is 
he at home ?' 'I will go and see, sir,' I said ; and now, master, what 
is to be done ? There he is in the store, and the boys peeping at him 
from the street" 1 had made up my mind. I looked at the Madeira — 
possibly took a glass. " Show him up," said I ; "and if such Madeira 
can not mollify him, he must be harder than adamant" There was a 
fearful moment of suspense. I heard him on the staii-s, his long sword 
clanking at every step. In he stalked. *' I§ your name James Riving- 
ton ? " " It is, sir, and no man could be more happy than I am to see 

Colonel Ethan Allen." "Sir, I have come " " Not another word, 

my dear colonel, until you have taken a seat and a glass of old Ma- 
deira." " But, sir, I do n't think it proper " " Not another word, 

colonel. Taste this wine. I have had it in glass for ten years. Old 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CVPTIVITY. 263 

^ear the last of November, T was admitted to pa- 
role in New-York, with many other American officers, 
and on the 22d day of January, 1777, was with them 
directed by the British commissary of prisoners to bo 
quartered on the westerly part of Long-island, and our 
parole continued. During my imprisonment there, no 
occurrence worth observation happened. 1 obtained 
the means of living as well as 1 desired, which in a 
great measure repaired my constitution, wliich had 
been greatly injured by the severities of an inhuman 
captivity. I now began to feel myself composed, ex- 
pecting either an exchange, or continuance in good and 
honorable treatment ; but alas ! my visionary expec- 
tations soon vanished. The news of the conquest of 
Ticonderoga by general Burgoyne, and the advance of 
bis army into the country, made the haughty Britons 
again feel their importance, and with that, their insa- 
tiable thirst for cruelty. 

The private prisoners at New- York, and some of the 
officers on parole, felt the severity of it. Burgoyne 
was to them a demi-god. To him they paid adoration ; 
in him the tories placed their confidence, " and forgot 
the Lord their God," and served Howe, Burgoyne and 
Knyphausen, " and became vile in their own imagina- 
tion, and their foolish hearts were darkened," profess- 
ing to be great politicians, and relying on foreign and 
merciless invaders, and with them seeking the ruin, 
bloodshed and destruction of their country ; " became 
fools," expecting with them to share a dividend in the 
confiscated estates of their neighbors and countrymen 
who fought for the whole country, and the religion and 
liberty thereof "Therefore, God gave them over to 
strong delusion, to believe a lie, that they all might be 
damned."' 

wine, you know, unless it is oriijinally sound, never improves by age." 
He took the glass, swallowed the wine, smacked his lips, and shook his 

Qead approvingly. " Sir, I come " " Not another word until you have 

taken another glass, and then, my dear colonel, we will talk of old 
•ffairs, and I have some queer events to detail." In shoit, we finished 
two bottles of Madeira, and parted as good friends as if we had uev«r 
Dad cause to be otherwise. 

1'^ 



26 i ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

The 25th day of August, I was apprehended, and 
under pretext of artful, mean and pitiful pretences, tliat 
I had infringed on my parole, taken from a tavern, 
where there were more than a dozen officers present, 
and, in the very place where those officers and myself 
were directed to be quartered, put under a strong 
guard and taken to New- York, where I expected to 
make my defence before the commanding officer; but, 
contrary to my expectations, and without the least 
solid pretence of justice or trial, was again encircled 
with a strong guard with fixed bayonets, aud conducted 
to the provost-gaol in a lonely apartment, next above 
the dungeon, and was denied all manner of subsistence 
either by purchase or allowance. The second day I 
offered a guinea for a meal of victuals, but was denied 
it, and the third day i offered eight Spanish milled 
dollars for a like favor, but was denied, and all I could 

get out of the sergeant's mouth, was that by he 

would obey his orders. I now perceived myself to be 
a<rain in substantial trouble. In this condition I formed 
an oblique acquaintance with a Capt. Travis, of Vir- 
ginia, who was in the dungeon below me, through a 
little hole which was cut with a pen-knife, through the 
floor of my apartment which communicated with the 
dungeon ; it was a small crevice, through which I 
could discern but a very small part of his face at once, 
when he applied it to the hole ; but from the discovery 
of him in the situation which we were both then in, I 
could not have known him, which I found to be true 
by an after acquaintance. I could nevertheless hold a 
conversation with him, and soon perceived him to be a 
gentleman of high spirits, who had a high sense of 
honor, and felt as big, as though he had been^in a pal- 
ace, and had treasures of wrath in store against the 
British. In fine I was charmed with the spirit of the 
man; he had been near or quite four months in that 
dungeon, with murderers, thieves, and every species of 
criminals, and all for the sole crime of unshaken fidelity 
to his country ; but his spirits were above dejection, 
and his mind unconquerable. I engaged to do him 
every service in my power, and in a few weeks after- 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 2G5 

wards, with the united petitions of the officers in the 
provost, procured liis dismission from the dark mansion 
of Hends to the apartments of his petitioners. 

And it came to pass on the 3d day, at the going 
down of the sun, tliat I was presented with a piece of 
boiled pork, and some biscuit, which the sergeant gave 
me to understand, was my allowance, and 1 fed sweetly 
on the same ; but I indulged my appetite by degrees, 
and in a few days was taken from tlTat apartment, and 
conducted to the next loft or story, where there were 
above twenty continental, and some militia othcers, who 
had been taken, and imprisoned there, besides some 
private gentlemen, who had been dragged from their 
own homes to that filthy place by tories. Several of 
every denomination mentioned, died there, some before, 
and others after 1 was put there. 

The history of the proceedings relative to the provost 
only, were 1 particular, would swell a volume larger 
than this whole narrative. 1 shall therefore onlv notice 
such of the occurrences which are mostly extraordinary. 

Capt. Vandyke bore, with an uncommon fortitude, 
near twenty months' confinement in this place, and in 
the mean time was very serviceable to others who were 
confined with him. The allegation against him, as the 
cause of his confinement, was very extraordinary. He 
was accused of setting fire to the city of New- York, at 
the time the west part of it was consumed, when it was 
a known fact, that he had been in the provost a week 
before the fire broke out ; and in like manner, frivolous 
were the ostensible accusations against most of those 
who were there confined ; the case of two militia officers 
excepted, who were taken in their attempting to escape 
from their parole ; and probably there may be some 
other instances which might justify such a confinement. 

Mr. William Miller, a committee man, from West 
Chester county, and state of New-York, was taken from 
his bed in the dead of the night by his tory neighboiR, 
and was starved for three days and nights in an apart- 
ment of the same gaol ; add to this the denial of fire, 
and that in a cold season of the year, in which time he 
walked day and night, to defend himself against tho 



206 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEE EN-MOUNTAIN UEKOIB 

frost, and when he complained of such a reprehensible 
conduct, the word rebel or committee man was deemed 
hy the enemy a sutiicient atonement for any inhumanity 
that tiiey could invent or inliict. He was a man of 
good natural understanding, a close and sincere friend 
to the liberties of America, and endured fourteen 
months' cruel imprisonment with that magnanimity of 
soul, which reflects honor on himself and country. 

Major Levi Wells, and Capt. Ozias Bissel were ap- 
prehended and taken under guard from their parole 
on Long-Island, to the provost, on as fallacious pretences 
as the former, and were there continued till their ex- 
cliange took place which was near live months. Their 
fidelity and zealous attachment to their country's cause, 
which was more than commonly conspicuous was 
undoubtedly the real cause of their confinement. 

Major Brinton Payne, Capt. Flahaven, and Capt. 
Randolph, who had at different times distinguished 
themselves by their bravery, especially at the several 
actions, in which they were taken, were all the provo- 
cation they gave, for which they suffered about a year's 
conhnement, each in the same lilthy gaol. 

A few weeks after my continement, on the like fal- 
lacious and wicked pretences, was brought to the same 
place, from his parole on JiOng-Island, Major Otho 
llolland Williams now a full Col. in the continental 
army. In his character are united the gentleman, offi- 
cer, soldier, and friend ; he walked through the prison 
with an air of great disdain; said he, ''Is this tlie 
treatment which gentlemen of the continental army 
are to expect from the rascally British, when in their 
power? Heavens forbid it!" He was continued there 
about five months, and then exchanged for a British 
Major. 

John Fell, Esq. now a member of Congress for the 
state of JSTew-Jersey, was taken from his own house bv 
a gang of infamous tories, and by order of a British 
General, was sent to the provost, where he was con- 
tinued near one year. The stench of the gaol, which 
was very loathsome and unhealthy, occasioned a 
hoarseness of the lungs, which proved fatal to m.anj 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'S CAPTIVITY. 2G7 

who were there confined, and reduced tliis gentleman 
near to the point of death; he was indeed given over 
by liis friends who were about hiin, and himself con- 
cluded that he must die. I could not endure the 
thought tiiat so worthy a friend to America should 
have his life stolen from him in such a mean, base, and 
scandalous manner, and that his family and friends 
should be bereaved of so great and desirable a blessing, 
as his further care, usefulness and example, might prove 
to them. 1 therefore wrote a letter to George liubeitson, 
who commanded in town, and being touched with the 
most sensible feelings of humanity, which dictated my 
pen to paint dying distress in such lively colors that it 
wrought conviction even on the obduracy of a British 
General, and produced his order to remove the now 
honorable John Fell, Esq. out of a gaol, to private 
lodgings in town ; in consequence of which he slowly 
recovered his health. Tiiere is so extraordinary a cir- 
cumstance which intervened concerning this letter, that 
it is worth noticing. 

Previous to sending it, I exhibited the same to the 
gentleman in whose behalf it was written, for his ap- 
probation, and he forbid me to send it in the most 
positive and explicit terms ; his reason was, "That the 
enemy knew, by every morning's report, the condition 
of all the prisoners, mine in particular, as, I have been 
gradually coming to my end for a considerable time, 
and they very well knew it, and likewise determined 
it should be accomplished, as they had served many 
others ; that, to ask a favor, would give the merciless 
enemy occasi(.)n to triumph over me in my last moments, 
and therefore I will ask no favors from tliem, but resign 
myself to my supposed fate." But the letter 1 sent 
without his knowledge, and I confess I had but little 
exj^ectations from it, yet could not be easy till I had 
sent it. It may be worth a remark, that this gentleman 
was an Englishman born, and from the beginning of 
the revolution has invariably asserted and maintained 
the cause of lil)erty. 

The British have made so extensive an improvement 
of the provost during the present revolution till of late, 



2G8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

that a very short definition will be sufficient for the 
dullest apprehensions. It may be with propriety called 
the British inquisition, and calculated to support their 
oppressive measures and designs, by suppi'essing the 
spirit of liberty ; as also a place to conline the crim- 
inals, and most infamous wretches of their own army, 
where , many gentlemen of the American army, and 
citizens thereof, were promiscuously confined, with 
every species of criminals; but they divided into dif 
ferent apartments, and kept at as great a remove as 
circumstances permitted ; but it was nevertlieless at 
the option of a villainous sergeant, who had the charge 
of the provost, to take any gentleman from tlieir room, 
and put them into the dungeon, which was often the 
case. At two difterent times 1 was taken down stairs 
for that purpose, by a tile of soldiers with tixed bay- 
onets, and the sergeant brandishing his sword at the 
same time, and having been brought to the door of the 
dungeon, 1 there flattered the vanity of the sergeant, 
wliose luime was Keef, by which means I procured the 
surprizing favor to return to my companions ; but some 
of the high mettled young gentlemen could not bear 
his insolence, and determined to keep at a distance, 
and neither please nor dis})lease the villain, but none 
could keep clear of his abuse ; however, mild measures 
were the best; he did not hesitate to call us damned 
rebels, and use us with the coarsest language. The 
Capts. Flahaven, Randolph and Mercer, were the ob- 
jects of his most flagrant and repeated abuses, who 
were numy times taken to the dungeon, and there 
continued at his pleasure. Capt. Flahaven took cold 
in the dungeon, and was in a declining state of health, 
but an exchange delivered him, and in all probability 
saved his life. It was very mortifying to bear with the 
insolence of such a vicious and ill-bred, imperious ras- 
cal. Remonstrances were preferred to the commander 
of the town, but no relief could be obtained, for his 
superiors were undoubtedly well pleased with his 
abusive conduct to the gentlemen, under the severitioa 
of his power; and remonstrating against his inferiuil 
conduct, only served to confirm him in authority ; and 



NAKRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 2*^9 

• 

for this reason I never made any remonBtrances on the 
subject, but only stroked him, for 1 knew that he was 
but a cat's paw in the hands of the British officers, and 
that, if he shouhJ use us well, he would immediately 
be put out of that trust, and a worse man ap})ointed to 
succeed him ; but there was no need of making any 
new ajipointment ; for Cunningham, their provost mar- 
shall, and Keef, his deputy, were as great rascals as 
their army could boast of, except one Joshua Loring, 
an infamous tory, who was com.missary of prisoners ; 
nor can any of these be supposed to be equally criminal 
with Gen. Sir William Howe and his associates, who 
prescribed and directed the murders and cruelties, 
wljich were by them perpetrated. This Loring is a 
monster! — Tliere is not his like in human shape. He 
exhibits a smiling countenance, seems to wear a phiz 
of humanity, but has been instrumentally capable of the 
njobt consumate acts of wickedness, which were first 
projected by an abandoned British council clothed with 
the authority of a Howe, murdering premeditatedly, in 
cold blood, near or quite two thousand helpless pris- 
oners and that in the most clandestine, mean and 
shameful manner, at !New-York. He is the most mean 
spirited, cowardly, deceitful, and destructive animal in 
God's creation below, and legions of infernal devils, 
with all their tremendous horrors, are impatiently ready 
to receive Howe and him, with all their detestable 
accuni[Jices, into the most exquisite agonies of the 
hottest region of hell fire. 

The 6th day of July, 1777, Gen. St. Clair, and the 
army under his command, evacuated Ticonderoga, and 
retreated w^ith the main body through Hubbarton into 
Castleton, which was but six miles distant, when his 
rear guard, commanded by Col. Seth Warner, was at- 
tacked at Hubbarton by a body of the enemy of about 
two thousand, commanded by General Fraser. War- 
ner's comuiand consisted of his own and other two 
regiments, viz. Francis's and Hale's, and some scatter- 
ing and enfeebled soldiers. His whole number, accord- 
ing Uj information, was near or quite one thousand ; 
part of which were Green Mountain Boys, about seven 



270 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

hundred of the whole he brons^ht into action. The 
enemy advanced boldly, and the two bodies formed 
within about sixty yards of each other. Col. Warner 
having formed his own regiment, and that of Col. 
Francis's did not wait for the enemy, but gave tbem a 
heavy fire from his whole line, and they returnea it 
with great bravery. It was by this time, dangerous 
for those of both parties, who were not prepared for 
the world to come ; but Colonel Hale being apprised 
of the danger, never brought his regiment to the charge, 
but left Warner and Francis to stand the blowing of it, 
and fled, but luckily fell in with an inconsiderable 
number of the enemy, and to his eternal shame, sur- 
rendered himself a prisoner. 

The conflict was very bloody. Col. Francis fell in 
the same, but Col. Warner, and the oflicers under his 
command, as also the soldiery, behaved with great 
resolution. The enemy broke, and gave way on the 
right and left, but formed again, and renewed the at- 
tack; in the mean time the British granadiers, in the 
center of the enemy's line maintained the ground, and 
finally carried it with the point of the bayonet, and 
Warner retreated with reluctance. Our loss was about 
thirty men killed, ar?d that of the enemy amounting to 
three hundred killed, including a Major Grant. The 
enemy's loss I learnt from the confession of their own 
officers, when a prisoner with them. I heard them 
likewise complain, that the Green Mountain Boys took 
sight. The next movement of the enemy, of any ma- 
terial consequence, was their investing Bennington, 
with a design to demolish it, and subject its Mountain- 
eers, to which they had a great aversion, with one 
hundred and fifty chosen men, including tories, with 
the highest expectation of success, and having chosen 
an eminence of strong ground, fortified it witli slight 
breast works, and two pieces of cannon ; but the gov- 
ernment of the young state of Yermont, being previ- 
ously jealous of such an attempt of the enemy, and in 
due time had procured a number of brave militia from 
the government of the state of New-Hampshire, who, 
together with the militia of the north part of Berkshire 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 271 

county, and state of Massachusetts, and tlio Green 
Mountain Boys, constituted a body of desperadoes, 
under the command of the intrepid general Stark, who 
in number were about equal to the enemy. Colonel 
Herrick, who commanded the Green Mountain Rangers, 
and who was second in command, being thoroughly ac- 
quainted with the ground where the enemy had forti- 
fied, proposed to attack them in their works upon all 
parts, at the same time. This plan being adopted by 
the general and ftis council of war, tlje little militia 
brigade of undisciplined heroes, with their long brown 
firelocks, the best security of a free people, without 
either cannon or bayonets, was, on the 16th day of 
August, led on to the attack by their bold commanders, 
in the face of the enemy's dreadful fire, and to the 
astonishment of the world, and burlesque of discipline, 
carried every part of their lines in less than one quar- 
ter of an hour after the attack became general, took 
their cannon, killed and captivated more than tw^o- 
thirds of their number, which immortalized general 
Stark, and made Bennington famous to posterity. 

Among the enemy's slain was found colonel Baum, 
their commander, a colonel Pfester, who headed an 
infamous gang of tories, and a large part of his com- 
mand ; and among the prisoners was major Mei borne, 
their second in command, a number of British and 
Hessian officers, surgeons, &c., and more than one 
hundred of the aforementioned Pfester's command. 
The [)ri8oners being collected together, were sent to the 
meeting-house in the town, by a strong guard, and 
Gen. Stark not imagining any present danger, the mil- 
itia scattered from him to rest and refresh themselves ; 
in this situation he was on a sudden attacked by a 
reinforcement of one thousand and one hundred of the 
enemy, commanded by a governor Skene, with two 
fi(;ld pieces. They advanced in regular order, and kept 
up an incessant fire, especially from their field pieces, 
and the remaining militia retreating slowly before 
them, disputed the ground inch by inch. The enemy 
were heard to halloo to them, saying, step Yankees! 
In the meantime, Col. Warner, with about one hundred 

12* 



272 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

and tliirty men of his regiment, who were not in 
the first action, arrived and attacked the enemy with 
great fury, being determined to have ample revenge 
on account of the quarrel at Hubbardton, which ' 
brought them to a stand, and soon after general Stark 
and colonel Ilerrick, brought on more of the scattered 
militia, and the action became general ; in a few min- 
utes the enemy were forced from their cannon, gave 
way on all parts and fled, and the shouts of victory 
were a second time proclaimed in ftivor ot' the militia. 
The enemy's loss in killed and prisoners, in these two 
actions, amounted to more than one thousand and two 
hundred men, and our loss did not exceed fifty men. 
This was a bitter stroke to the enemy, but their pride 
would not permit them to hesitate but that they could 
vanquish the country, and as a specimen of their arro- 
gancy, 1 shall insert general Burgoyne's proclamation : 

« By John Burgoyne, Esq., Lieutenant-General of his Majesty's 
armies in America, Colonel of the Queen's regiment of light 
dragoons, Governor of Fort William in North-Britain, one of 
the* Representatives of the Commons of Great Britain, in Par- 
liament, and commanding an army and fleet employed on an 
expedition from Canada, &c. &c. &c. - ^ - 

» The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act m 
concert and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies 
and fleets which already display in every quarter of America, 
the power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy ot 

the King. 

"The cause, in which the British arms are thus exerted, 
applies to the 'most aflecting interests of the humaii heart; and 
the military servants of the crown, at first called forth for the 
sole purpose of restoring the rights of the constitution, now 
combine with love of their country, and duty to their sovereign, 
the other extensive excitements which spring from a due sense 
of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of 
the temperate part of the public, and to the breasts of suflering 
thousands in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether 
the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation 
for the completest system of tyranny that ever God, in his dis- 
pleasure, suft'ered for a time to be exercised over a froward and 
stubborn generation. 

« Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, persecution 



NAERATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 273 

and torture, unprecedented in the inquisitions of the Romish 
Church, are among the palpable enormities that verify the affirm- 
ative'. These are inflicted by assemblies and committees, who 
• dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet 
subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the sole ciime, 
often for tKe sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to 
the government under which they were born, and to which, by 
eveiy tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consum- 
mate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is 
added to the most profligate prostitution of common reason; 
the consciences of men are set at nought; and multitudes are 
compelled not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to 
an usurpation they abhor. 

" Animated by these consideiations, at the head of troops in 
the full powers of health, discipline and valor ; determined to 
strike where necessary, and anxious to spare where possible, I 
by these presents invite and exhort all persons, in all places 
where the progress of this army may point; and by the blessing 
of God I will extend it far to maintain such a conduct as may 
justify me in protecting their lands, habitations and families. 
The intention of this address is to hold forth security, not depre- 
dation to the country. To those whom spirit and principle may 
induce to partake of the glorious task of redeeming their coun- 
trymen from dungeons, and re-establishing the blessings of legal 
government, I ofler encouragement and employment; and upon 
the fii-st intelligence of their associations, I will find means to 
assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the 
infirm, and even the timid inhabitants I am desirous to protect, 
provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they do not 
suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be 
secreted or destroyed ; that they do not break up their bridges 
or roads : nor by any other act, directly or indirectly, endeavour 
to obstruct the operations of the king's troops, or supply or assist 
those of the enemy. Every species of provision brought m my 
camp, will be paid for at an equitable rate, and in solid coin. 

" In consciousness of Christianity, my royal master's clemancy, 
and the honor of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, 
and wished for more persuasive terms to give it impression. And 
let not people be led to disregard it by considering their distance 
from the immediate situation of my camp. I have but to give 
stretch to the Indian forces under my direction, and they amount 
to thousan<ls, to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britflin 
and America: I consider them the same wherever they may 
luik. 



^_ 



^ 274 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

" If, notwithstanding these endeavours, and sincere inclinations 
to effect them, the phrensy of hostility sho'ild remain, 1 trust I 
shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and man, in denouncing 
and executing the vengeance of the state against the wilful out- 
casts. The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in 
the field; and devastation, famine, ahd every concomitant horror 
that a reluctant but indispensible prosecution of military duty 
must occasion, will bear the way to their return. 

J. BURGOYNE. 

" By order of his Excellency the Lieut. General, 

Robert Kingston, Sec. 

" Camp near Ticonderoga, 4th July, 1777." 

Gen. Burgoyne was still the toast, and the severities 
towards the prisoners were in great measure increased 
or diminished, in proportion to the expectation of con- 
quest. His very ostentatious Proclamation was in the 
hand and mouth of most of the soldiery, especially 
the tories, and from it, their faith was raised to assur- 
rance. I wish my countrymen in general could have 
an idea of the assuming tyranny, and haughty, malev- 
olent, and insolent behavior of the enemy at that time ; 
and from thence discern the intolerable calamities 
which this country have extricated themselves from 
by their public spirited ness and bravery. The down- 
fall of Gen. Burgoyne, and surrender of his whole 
army, dashed the aspiring hopes and expectations of 
the enemy, and brought low the imperious spirit of an 
opulent, puissant and haughty nation, and made the 
tories bite the ground with anguish, exalting the valoj 
of-the free-born sons of America, and raised their fame 
and that of their brave commanders to the clouds^ 
and immortalized Gen. Gates with laurels of eternal 
duration."* ISTo sooner had the knowledge of this inter- 

* The defeat of Burgoyne gave Ethan *Allen a welcome opportunity to 
return the ridicule with which the British officers had been accustomed 
to speak of the continental troops, and he was not the man to shut his 
teeth against the many biting sarcasms which pressed to his mouth for 
utterance. Nor was he the man to speak depreciatingly of his own 
merits ; and on one occasion, while boasting of the success of the revo- 
lutionary army, he sp'.)ke of himself and his brotliers, arid said there was" 



NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 275 

efiting and mighty event reached His most Christian 
Majest}', who in Europe shines with a superior lustre 
in goodness, policy and arms, but the illustrious 
potentate, auspiciously influenced by Heaven to pro- 
mote title reciprocal interest and happiness of the 
ancient kingdom of France, and the new and rising 
states of America, passed the great and decisive decree' 
that the United States of America, should be free and 
independent. Yaunt no more, Old England ! con- 
sider you are but an island ! and that your power has 
been continued longer than the exercise of your hu- 
manity. Order your broken vanquished battalions 
to retire from America, the scene of your cruelties. 
Go home and repent in dust and sackcloth for your 
aggravated crimes. The cries of bereaved parents, 
widows and orphans, reach the heavens, and you are 
abominated by every friend to America. Take your 
friends the tories with you, and be gone, and drink 
deep of the cup of humiliation. Make peace with the 
princes of the house of Bourbon, for you are in no 
condition to wage war with them. Your veteran sol- 
diers are fallen in America, and your glory is departed. 
Be quiet and paj^ your debts, especially for the hire 
of the Hessians. There is no other way for you to 
^et into credit again, but by reformation and plain 
Honesty, which you have despised ; for your power is 
by no means sutiicient to support your vanity. I have 
had opportunity to see a great deal of it, and felt its 
severe effects, and learned lessons of wisdom and 
policy, when I wore your heavy irons, and bore your 
bitter revilings and reproaches. I have something of 
a smattering of philosophy, and understand human 
nature in all its stages tolerably well ; am thoroughly 
acquainted with your national crimes, and assure you 
that they not only cfy aloud for Heaven's vengeance, 
but excite mankind to rise up against you. Yirtue, 
wisdom and policy are in a national sense, alwajs 

never a woman who had seven sons that could equal those of his mother 
A British officer tartly insisted that Allen ought to except Mary Magda- 
len, who also waa delivered of flcven dcvili 



270 ETHAN AIXEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

connected with power, or in other words, power is their 
offspring, and such power as is not directed by virtue, 
wisdom and policy never fails finally to destroy itself 
as yours lias done. It is so in the nature of things, 
and unfit that it would be otherwise ; for if it was 
not so, vanity, injustice, and oppression, might reigu 
triumphant forever. 1 know you have individuals, wlio 
still retaiu their virtue, and consequently their honor 
and humanity. Those I really pity, as they nmst 
more or. less suffer in the calamity, in which the na- 
tion is plunged headlong ; but as a nation I hate and 
despise you. 

My affections are Frenchified. I glory in Louis 
the sixteenth, the generous and powerful ally of these 
states ; am fond of a connection with so enterprising, 
learned, polite, courteous and commercial a nation, and 
am snre that I express the sentiments and feelings of 
all the friends to the present revolution. I begin to 
learn the French tongue, and recommend it to my 
countrymen, before Hebrew, Greek or Latin, (provided 
that one of them only are to be attended to) for the 
trade and commerce of these states in future must in- 
evitably shift its channel from England to France, 
Spain and Portugal ; and therefore the statesman, pol- 
itician and merchant, need be acquainted with their 
several languages, particularly the French, which ^ is 
much in vogue in most parts of Europe. Nothing 
could have served so effectually to illuminate, polish 
and enrich these states as the present revolution, as 
well as preserve their lil)erty. Mankind are naturally 
too national, even to a degree of bigotry, and commer- 
cial intercourse with foreign nations, has a great and 
necessary tendency to improve mankind, and erase the 
superstition of the mind by acquainting them that 
human nature, policy and instinct, are the same in all 
nations, and at the same time they are bartering com- 
modities for the conveniences and happiness of each 
nation, they may reciprocally exchange such part of 
their customs and manners as may be beneficial, and 
learn to extend charity and good' will to the whole 
world of mankind. I was confined in the provost-gaol 



NAKRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 277 

at IS'ew-Yor'k, the 26th day of August, and continned 
there to the 3d day of May, 1778, when I was taken 
out under guard, and conducted to a sloop in the har- 
bor of New- York, in which I was guarded to Staien- 
Ishind, to general CanipbelTs quarters, where I was 
pei-niitted to eat and drink with the general and sev- 
eral other of the British lield officers, and treated for 
two diiys in a polite manner. As I was drinking wine 
with them one evening, I made an observation on my 
transition from the provost criminals to the company 
of gentlemen, adding that I was the same man still, 
and should give the British credit, by him (speaking 
to the general) for two days good usage. 

The next day colonel Archibald Campbell, w^ho was 
exchanged for me, came to this place, conducted by 
Mr. Boudinot, the then American commissary of pris- 
oners, and saluted me in a handsome manner, saying 
that he never was more glad to see a gentleman in his 
life, and I gave him to understand that I was equally 
glad to see him, and was apprehensive that it was from 
the same motive. The gentlemen present laughed at 
the fanc}^ and conjectured that sweet liberty was the 
foundation of our gladness : so we tO(»k a glass of 
wine together, and then I was accompanied by general 
Campbell, colonel Cam],bell, Mr. Boudinot, and a 
number of British officers, to the boat which was ready 
to sail to Elizabethtown-point. Meanwhile I enter- 
tained them with a rehearsal of the cruelties exercised 
towards our prisoners ; and assured them that I should 
use my influence, that their prisoners should be treated, 
in future, in the same manner, as they should in future 
treat ours ; that I thought it was right in such extreme 
cases, that their example should be applied to their 
own prisoners ; then exchanged the decent ceremonies 
of conqiliment, and parted. I sailed to the point 
aforesaid, and, in a transport of joy, landed on liberty 
ground, and as I advanced into the country, received 
the acclamations of a grateful peof)le. 

T soon fell into company with colonel Shelden, of the 
light horse, who in a polite and obliging manner ac- 
companied me to head quarters, Valley Forge, where I 



278 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

was courteously received by Gen. "Washington, with 
peculiar marks of his approbation and esteem, and 
was introduced to most of the generals, and many of 
the principal officers of the army, who treated me 
with respect, and after having oftered Gen. Washing- 
ton my further services in behalf of my country, as 
soon as my health, which was very much impaired, 
would admit, and obtain his license to return home, 
I took my leave of his excellency, and set out from 
Valley Forge with general Gates and his suit foi 
Fishkill, where we arrived the latter end of May. In 
this tour the general was pleased to treat me with the 
famil.arity of ^ companion, and generosity of a lord, 
and to him I made known some striking circumstances 
which occurred in the course of my captivity. I then 
bid farewell to my noble general and the gentlemen of 
his retinue, and set out for Bennington, the capital of 
the Green Mountain Boys, where 1 arrived the evening 
of the last day of May, to their great surprise ; for I 
was thought to be dead, and now both their joy and 
mine was complete. Three cannon were fired that 
evening, and next morning colonel Herrick gave orders 
and fourteen more w^ere discharged, welcoming me to 
Bennington, my usual place of abode ; thirteen for the 
United States, and one for Young Vermont. 

After this ceremony was ended we moved the flow- 
ing bowl, and rural felicity, sweetened with friendship, 
glowed in each countenance, and wnth loyal healths to 
the rising Stat'/s of America, concluded that evening, 
and, with the same loyal spirit, 1 now conclude my 
narrative. 



CHAPTER lY. 

TEE GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

'" Oh, few and weak their numbers were, 

A handful of brave men ; 
But to their God ihey gave their prayer, 

And rushed to battle then. 
They left the plowshare in the mold. 
Their flocks and herds without a fold. 
The sickle in the unshorn grain, 
The corn half-garnered on the plain. 
And mustered in their simple dress, 
For wrongs to seek a stern redress — 
To right those wrongs, come weal, come woe, 
To perish or o'ercorae their foe." 

M'Lellan. 

In communities established after the manner of the 
United States, history does not begin with obscure or 
fabulous legends. The origin of the nation, and the 
rise and progress of all its institutions, may be dis- 
tinctly known. The people may obtain accurate and 
familiar acquaintance with the character of their ear- 
liest national ancestors, and of every succeeding gen- 
eration through which the inheritance of the national 
name and fortune has devolved upon themselves. When 
this interesting knowledge is blended with the infor- 
mation that their existence as a peeple originated in 
the noblest efforts of wisdom, fortitude, and magna 
nimity, and that every successive acquisition by which 
their liberty and happiness have been extended and 



280 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNT ATN HEROES. 

secured, has arisen from the exercise of the same qiial' 
ities, and evinced their faithful preservation and unim- 
paired efficacy, — respect for former times becomes the 
motive and pledge of virtue ; the whole nation feels 
itself ennobled by ancestors vs'hose renown will con- 
tinue till the end of time the honor or reproach of-their 
successors ; and the love of virtue is so interwoven 
with patriotism and national glory, as to prevent the 
one from becoming a selfish principle, and the othei 
a splendid or mischievous illusion. If an inspired 
apostle might w^ith complacency proclaim himself a 
citizen of no mean city, an American may feel grateful 
exultation in avowing himself the native of no ignoble 
land, — but of a land that has yielded as great an in 
crease of glory to God and of happiness to man, as any 
other portion of the world, since "the first syllable of 
recorded time," has ever had the honor of producing. 
A nobler model of human character could hardly be 
proposed to the inhabitants of New England, Pennsyl- 
vania, and others of the United States, than that which 
their own history supplies. It is at once their interest 
and their glory to preserve with sacred care a model so 
rich.y fraught with the instructions of wisdom and the 
incitements of duty. The memory of those whom they 
claim as their natural or national ancestors, will bless 
all those who account it blessed ; and the ashes of their 
fathers will give forth a nobler influence than the bones 
of the pro]^het of Israel, in reviving piety and invig 
orating virtue. So. much, at the same time, of human 
weakness and imperfection is discernible in the con- 
duct, or is attested by the avowals of these eminent 
men, and so steady and explicit was their reference to 



CTTARACTER OF OUR ANCESTORS. 281 

heavenly aid, of all the j^ood they were capable to 
perform or attain, that the admiration they so strongly 
deserve, enforces the scriptural testimony to the riches 
of divine grace, and the reflected liistef of human 
virtue. 

The history of man never exhibited an effort of 
more vigorous and enterprising virtue, than the orig- 
inal migration of the colonists of this then distant and 
desolate region ; and the annals of colonization do not 
supply a single instance of the foundation of a com- 
monwealth, and its advancement through a period of 
weakness and danger to strength and security, in which 
the principal actors have left behind them a reputation 
at once so illustrious and unsullied, with fewer memo- 
rials calculated to pervert the moral sense, or awaken 
the regret ot mankind. The relation of their achieve- 
ments has a powerful tendency to excite hope, and 
animate perseverance — to impart courage to the 
good, and to fortify the virtues of the brave. The 
Puritans could not, indeed, boast, like the founders of 
Pennsylvania, that by a resolute profession of non-re- 
sistance of injuries, and as faithful adherence to that 
profession, they had so realized the divine protection by 
an exclusive reliance on it, as to disarm the ferocity of 
savages, an-d conduct the establishment of their com- 
monwealth without violence and bloodshed. But if 
they were involved in numerous wars, it was the sin- 
gular and honorable characteristic of them all, that 
they were invariably the offspring of selfdefense 
against the unprovoked malignity of their adversaries, 
and that not one of them was undertaken from motives 
of conquest or plunder. Though they considered these 



282 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

wars as necessary and justifiable, they deeply deplored 
them ; and, more than once, the most distressing doubts 
were expressed, at the close of their hostilities, if it 
were lawful for Christians to carry even the rights of 
self-defense to such fatal extremity. They behaved to 
the Indian tribes with as much good-faith and justice 
as they could have shown to a powerful and civilized 
people,* and were incited by their inferiority to no 
other acts than a series of. tlie most magnanimous and 
laudable enjdeavors to instruct their ignorance, and 
elevate their condition.-)- If they fell short of the col- 
onists of Pennsylvania in the exhibition of Christian 
meekness, they unquestionably excelled them in the 
extent and activity of Christian labor. If the Quakers 
succeeded in disarming the Indians, the Puritans 
labored to convert them. 

* Not only were all the lands occupied by the colonists fairly pur- 
chased from their Indian owners, but in some parts of the country, the 
lands were subject to quit-rents to the Indians, " which," says Belkna^^, 
in 1784, " are annually paid to their posterity." From the many deeds 
and other documents still in existence, especially in the New-England 
states and New York, it is certain that regular purchases were invaria- 
bly made of the Indians. The consideration given was usually small ; 
but there is no reason to suppose that it was not all the lands were worth 
at the time. A curious example of the opinions prevalent in early 
times, and the change which has since occurred, is afforded by the man- 
ner in which their payments were made, a portion of the consideration 
usually being spirituous liquors. Two townships in the western part of 
Massachusetts, for instance, were purchased, according to a deed which is 
still preserved, ior " £460 , three barrels of cider, and thirty quarts of 
rum." 

t The accounts of the first conversations which the missionaries had 
with these heathen, abound with curious questions and observations that 
proceeded from the Indians in relation to the tidings that were brought 
to their eare. The account which Elliott, the " Apostle of the Indiana," 



4 



ORIGIN OF TUE KEPUULIC. 28 o 

The history of the colonization of this continent, 
clearly indicates the destiny for which it was ultimately 
designed. This great republic is but the natural de- 
velopment of the little community that first landed on 
Plymouth rock. The American Revolution was no 
sudden outburst of popular fury. It had its origin in 
the first landing of the pilgrims. Tyranny had become 
80 strong in the eastern world, that there seemed no 
possibility that the people would ever succeed in the 
attainment of their just rights. The fires of freedom 
were quenched by the blood of the scaffold, or, if a 
tyrant was overthrown by an indignant people, anarchy 
in its most appalling form succeeded, from which there 
was no escape, but submission to the yoke of another 
oppressor. But Columbus, ignorant of the boon he was 

gave of one interview with the savages, will illustrate this. One Indian 
asked, Whether Englishmen were ever as ignorant of Jesus Christ ag 
the Indians ? A second, Whether Jesus Christ could understand prayers 
in the Indian language ? A third. How there could be an image of 
God, since it was forbidden in the second commandment ? On another 
occasion, an old Indian, with tears in bis eyes, asked, Whether it wat 
not too late for such an old man as he, who was near death, to repent 
and seek after God ? A second asked, How the English came to diflei 
so much from the Indian in their knowledge of Jesus Christ, since they 
had all at first but one father? Sevei-al inquired. How Judas coula 
deserve blame for facilitating the end which it was the purpose of God 
to effeci ? One woman asked. Whether she was entitled to consider her- 
self as having prayed, when she merely joined in her mind with her 
husband, who prayed by her side ? Another, If her husband's praytr 
gignijied any thing while he continued to Lent his wife ? !^any of the 
converts continued to believe that the gods whom they had formerly 
served, had in reality great power, but were spirits subordinate to the 
true and only God. One sachem sent for an Indian convert, and de- 
sired to know how many Gods the English had ? When he heard they 
had but one, he replied scornfully : " Is that all ? Ih^ve thiriy-aeeenl 
Do they suppose I .would exchange to many for one ? '* 



284 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HKEOKS. 

conferring on mankind, discovered a new world. The 
seeds of freedom, which were not permitted to germi- 
nate in the old world, were brought in the Mayflower 
to the new. Wise and good men, disheartened by their 
warfare against wrong, fled to it for an asylum. Neg- 
lected by the government under whose control they 
nominally remained, they were compelled to govern 
themselves — to make and administer their own laws. 
They were a small community — all mutually known, — 
all mutually loved, — all intelligent, conscientious, and 
animated by an ardent piety. It was not difficult for 
them to do justice to each other, and in doing this, 
they were unconsciously evolving the great principles 
upon which all just government must be founded. Had 
they known the importance of the work in which they 
were engaged, it is doubtful whether they would have 
done it so well. They gradually grew in strength. 
Other colonies were at intervals established along the 
Atlantic coast. All were greatly influenced by the 
example of New England and Pennsylvania. For a 
.century they increased in power, their condition being 
but little known and little cared for in Europe, and 
their future greatness in no degree anticipated by 
themselves. In their wars with the Indians and the 
French colony of Canada, they were thrown almost 
entirely upon their own resources, for the parent coun- 
try gave them but a feeble and reluctant support. 
They were compelled to unite for their common de- 
fense, and in 1754, delegates from the several colonies 
met at Albany, and with the illustrious Franklin at 
their head, devised a "plan of union," which, although 
it was not adopted then, aided powerfully in ci-eating 



CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 285 

a unity of feeling among the colonies, and prepared 
them for combined resistance to the tyranny of the 
British king, and for a lasting confederation. And 
thus a spirit of freedom had been nurtured on this 
continent ; republican institutions had become firmly 
rooted, and when the English government was at last 
conscious of the importance of the colonies, the day had 
passed in which it had the power to tyrannize over 
them. A series of oppressive measures was rapidly 
prepared by the minions of George III., but they were 
resisted promptly, perseveringly, and, after a bloody 
struggle of seven years, 'effectually. 

Tlie war had already commenced, when the congress 
which ultimately announced the final separation of the 
colonies from the parent country, assembled at Phila- 
delphia. The most eminent men of the various colo- 
nies had met together. The meeting was awfully 
solemn. The object which ha \ brought them there 
was of incalculable magnitude The liberties of no 
less than three millions of peo] e, with that of all their 
posterity, were staked on the ivisdom and energy of 
their councils. No wonder, tl m, at the long and deep 
silence which is said to have followed upon their or- 
ganization ; at the anxiety w th w4iich the members 
looked round upon each other; and the reluctance 
wljich every individual felt to open a business so fear- 
fully momentous. The embarrassing silence was bro- 
ken by the eloquent Patrick Henry, in a speech of 
wonderful power. An ardent ?ove of. liberty per 
vaded every breast, and this speed produced a unanim- 
ity as advantageous to the cause they had determined 
to maintain, as it was appalling to their adversaries. 



286 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

The proceedings of this celebrated congress, the '.one 
and temper of their various resolutions, the style of 
their addresses, the composition of the several papers 
that were drawn up by them, were in every particular 
calculated to excite the admiration of the world. That 
an assembly of fifty-two men, nearly all educated in the 
wilds of a new world, unpracticed in the arts of polity 
and diplomacy, most of them inexperienced in the 
arduous duties of legislation, coming from distant and 
distinct governments, differing in religion, manners, 
customs, and habits, as they did in their views with 
regard to the nature of their connection with Great 
Britain ^that such an assembly, so constituted, should 
display so much wisdom, sagacity, foresight and know- 
ledge of the world, such skill in argument, such foixie 
of reasoning, such firmness and soundness of judgment, 
60 profound an acquaintance with the rights of man, 
Buch elevation of sentiment, such genuine patriotism, 
and, above all, such unexampled unity of opinion 
upon the measures brought before them, was indeed a 
political phenomenon, to which history has yet fur- 
nished no parallel. ISTor is it less wonderful, that the 
whole people of the colonies represented, should have 
regarded the simple recommendations of this congress 
with the reverence and obedience due to the strongest 
ties of law. Even in those colonies where law and au- 
thority had been set at defiance, the injunctions of the 
congress were scrupulously obeyed. The whole country 
was in that awful calm of expectation, which precedes 
the bursting storm^ They were yet willing to be re- 
conciled with the British government, but ready to 
enforce their rights at the risk of life. 



CIIAKACTKK OF THE CONGRESS. 287 

"Who can consider, without dficp and affecting sym- 
|)atl»y, that little body of men, who, in the name ot 
a young and unskilled people, then set at defiance 
the power of a mighty empire — not rashly and igno- 
rantly, but advisedly and calmly, — having weighed 
their own weakness, as well as their adversaries' 
strength, — feeling the heavy responsibility that rested 
on their decision, — calculating the consequences of 
attempt and failure, and then, with a full conviction 
of all the mighty odds against them, "having counted 
the cost of the contest, and finding nothing so dread- 
ful as voluntary slavery," solemnly " appealing to the 
supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their 
intentions," and pledging to each other their lives, 
their fortunes, and their sacred honor ; ranging them- 
selves and their infant nation under the banners of 
libert}', denouncing their oppressors " enemies in war, 
in peace, friends." There is not, in the whole page 
of human history, any thing more truly grand and 
morally sublime than the conduct of the American 
congress throughout the^unequaled contest that fol- 
lowed, upon which hung not the liberties of our peo- 
ple only, but those of mankind. How admirable was 
the moderation which marked their earlier deliberation; 
the calmness with which they met ministerial haugh- 
tiness; the firmness which they opposed to parliament- 
ary obstinacy, tempering vigor with prudence, and 
inflexible principle with forbearance! How majestic 
their dignity when called upon finally to decide between 
unconditional submission and resistance by force! 
With what undaunted courage they made the noble 

choice, and, having made it, with what unshrinking 

13 



288 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAm HEEOBS. 

fortitude they met all the vicissitudes of fortune ; the 
ebb and flow of the tide of war ; the discontent of the 
factious ; the fears of the timid ; the despondency of 
the high-minded; — never cast down by repeated 
misfortunes, nor too much elated by momentary suc- 
cess. When the houseless people were scattered before 
their invaders ; when the army, unpaid, unclothed, 
vainly sought assistance from the commander, and he 
vainly sought it in the exhausted treasury; when the 
sword fell from their fainting hands, and the blank ot 
despair seemed falling on their hearts ; still did those 
patriots struggle on — still did they find confidence in 
their just cause, and, with their eyes upon the pole- 
star of liberty, did they steady the helm of the reeling 
vessel of the infant state, ride out triumphantly the 
storm of war and revolution, and gain the glorious 
haven from which their thoughts had never swerved. 

The annals of every nation can supply us with some 
brilliant characters, who stand superior to the sordid 
passions which sway the minds of ordinary men and 
but too often dictate the feelings of national commu- 
nities. But rarely, if ever, has there been an entire 
assembly of men, uniting all the qualities of sages 
and heroes, — cautious in their deliberations, firm and 

uited in their measures, pure in their motives, and 
ueyond suspicion in their conduct. To the unbending 
spirit and perfect rectitude of the continental con- 
gress was mainly owing the preservation of the Amer- 
ican people, not only from foreign conquest, but from 
intestine broils. To their little senate-room, amid all 
the changes of war, did the eyes of the people ever 
turn in hope and confidence. Were their little armies 



PURITY OF THE CONGRESS. 289 

defeated; were their heroic generals figliting in retreat; 
were their cities taken ; were their houses in flames ; 
iWas their commerce destroyed; were their fields 
devastated ; were their gold and their credit gone ; 
they still looked to that high-minded assembly, whose 
counsels, they were satisfied, were ever patriotic and 
wise, and whose energies were ever employed to relieve 
the sufferings they could not prevent. It is interest- 
ing to imagine what must have been the earnest 
thoughts of this noble body of men throughout that 
trying contest; what their anxieties; and, finally, what 
the flood of joy that must have poured on their hearts 
when the tidings reached them that the last great 
victory was achieved. The old door-keeper of the 
congress, when the news suddenly reached him of the 
'surrender of Cornwallis, dropped instantly dead! The 
feelings of the veteran, too intense for his feeble age, 
seem to image well those of the members of that 
assembly upon which he had been so faithful an 
attendant. 

In the history of the American Kevolution, the integ- 
rity of the congress and the confidence of the people 
in their integrity equally challenge admiration. The 
first was so pure, that throughout that distracted period, 
which might so well liave furnished temptation to the 
selfish or the ambitious,* we do not find one member 

•"Tell the king of England," said one of them, when a heavy 
bribe was offered him to desert the cause of his country, " I am not worth 
buying ; but that such as I am, he is not rich enough to do it ! " And 
ftnother, while a piisoner in England, was threatened with death unless 
he would persuade his son to abandon the cause of freedom, " My son 
18 of R^e," said the heroic father of a heroic son, "and has a will of his 
own. I know him to be a man of honor. H? loves me dearly, and 



*2d0 ETHAN ALI.EN AXD GREEN-MO UlTTAIN HEKOES. 

of that magnanimous body even suspected of pecula- 
tion, or of a desire for personal aggrandizement ; and 
the latter was so entire, that, during the worst days 
of that stormy period, the public suffering was never 
charged to any willful mismanagement on the part of 
the government — not even when its faith was vio- 
lated, hy the gradual depreciation and final extinction 
of a paper currency, which had been issued without 
funds, and which ceased to circulate, with scarce the 
shadow of a prospect being held out for its future 
redemption. The j)eople saw the necessity of the 
measure, and being well convinced that the good of 
their country had been promoted, quietl}^ submitted to 
measures which, under other circumstances, would 
scarcely have been expiated by the lives and fortunes 
of their authors. 

That a government framed in all the distraction of 
revolution — with a powerful enemy in the very heart 
of the country, the Indians on one side as their allies, 
and the ocean on the other, possessed by their fleets, — 
that, at such a time, a government so hastily organ- 
ized, with armies untrained, unfed, unclothed, and 
without a treasury to meet the demands that assailed 
them on every side, should have preserved the public 
confidence, argues a degree of moderation on the part 
of congress, and of good sense and devoted feeling 
on that of the people, which, perhaps, in the history of 
ancient or modern times was never equaled, and cer- 
tainly has never been surpassed. 

would lay down tis life to save mine, but I am sure that he would not 
sacrifice his honor to save my life, and I appla'id him." This prisoner, 
not long afterward, had the gratification of assisting in negotiating » 
peace between Great Britain and the free Republic of tlie United State* 



PATRIOTISM OF TPIE PEOPLE. 291 

In the history of the dispute which involved the 
liberty of the colonies, the congress was equally distin- 
guished for its prudence, and its intrepidity. Like a 
cautious general, they advanced slowly, but never 
yielding an inch of the ground they had once assumed. 
At first called together by the voice of their fellow-cit- 
izens, without the consent, or rather in very despite 
of existing authorities, the legality of whose title re- 
mained unquestioned, they calmly took in review the co- 
lonial grievances, and petitioned for redress upon those 
constitutional grounds, acknowledged by the distant 
monarchy which claimed their allegiance. Withou** 
assuming the power to enact laws, they passed resolu 
tions, to the sacred observance of which, until the re 
dress of their enumerated grievances should be ob- 
tained, they bound themselves by the ties of honor, 
and of patriotism. That these simple ties should 
have proved sufficient to hold together the people of 
distant provinces, who had heretofore often been di- 
vided by jealousies and clashing interests, and to give 
an efiect to the recommendations of private individu- 
als, as absolute as could have followed upon the fiat of 
an established despot, afibrds a beautiful evidence of 
the readiness with which national obedience is yielded, 
when the hearts of the people are with their rulers. 
Jhese recommendations were sufficient at once to su- 
persede the authority of existing law, and to triumph 
over the strongest passions of humanity. From what-' 
ever cause it proceeded, it is certain that a disj)osition 
to do, to suffer, and to accommodate, spread from 
breast to breast, and from colony to colony, beyond the 
expectations of human opinions. It seemed as though 



£92 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

one mind inspired the whole. The merchants put far 
beliind them the gains of trade, and cheerfully submit- 
ted to a total suspension of business, in obedience to 
the recommendations of men claiming no legislative 
authority. The cultivators of the soil, with unanimity 
assented to the determination that the hard-earned pro- 
duce of their farms should remain unshipped, although, 
in case of a free exportation, many would have been 
eager to purchase it from them at advanced prices. 
The sons and daughters of ease renounced imported 
conveniences, and voluntarily engaged to eat, drink, 
and wear only such articles as their country produced. 
These sacrifices were made, not from the pressure of 
present distress, but on the generous principle of sym- 
path}'' with an invaded sister colon}- : and the prudent 
policy of guarding against a precedent which might, 
on a future day, operate against their liberties. 

This season of universal distress exhibited a striking 
proof how practicable it is for mankind to sacrifice 
ease, pleasure, and interest, when the mind is strongly 
excited by its passions. In the midst of their suft'er- 
ings, cheerfulness appeared in the face of the people. 
They counted every thing cheap in comparison with 
liberty, and readily gave up whatever tended to en- 
danger it. A noble strain of generosity and mutual 
support was generally excited. The animation of the 
times raised the actors in these scenes above them- 
'selves, and incited them to deeds of self-denial, whicli 
the interested prudence of calm reason can scarcely 
credit. 

But, though empowered by their felJow citizens to 
think and act for them, at a time, too, when the public 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 293 

feeling was wrought to the highest pitch of enthusi- 
asm, the delegates in congress never exceeded the ne- 
cessity' of the occasion. They kept in view the interest 
and honor of the community, but held their passiona 
in check. So long as the most distant prospect re- 
mained to them of obtaining the acknowledgment of 
their country's rights, they preserved the language and 
character of British subjects. When all hope of re- 
conciliation had expired, the Declaration of Independ- 
ence followed. The wishes of the people had preceded 
the act of their representatives, and the style of that 
act yet affixed a new seal of confirmation to their 
wishes. The simple exposition of moral and political 
truths with which it opens, elevated still higher the 
already sublime character of the public sentiment ; 
the energetic enumeration of the national wrongs, op- 
posed as in contrast to these great laws of nature, kin- 
dled anew the national indignation ; the solemn appeal 
to the Creator, and the sacred pledge of life, fortune 
and honor, with which it closes, roused all the devotion 
of human hearts and manly minds — and, assuredly, 
never was it aroused in a better or nobler cause. It 
was not the cause of the Americans only ; it was the 
cause of the very people whose injustice they opposed ; 
it was the cause of every people on earth. Well might 
that high-minded patriot and statesman, the Earl of 
Chatham, exclaim in the British parliament, in the 
face of the British minister, "I rejoice that America 
has resisted!" Well might he observe, that "three 
millions of fellow-creatures, so lost to every sense of 
virtue as tamely to give up their liberties, would be fit 
instruments to make slaves of the rest." Had America 



294 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

basely submitted to the encroachments of ministerial 
parliaments, soon would that same parliament have 
tried encroachments upon the liberties of England ; or 
had the infant America been overwhelmed by the ar- 
mies poured upon her shores, with the buried liberties 
of the people, her victors would have buried ibrever 
their own national virtue, and honor, and character. 
Then, indeed, upon England's faded brow would havo 
been stamped the morale that 

"Nations, like men, wlio others' ri£:hts invade, 

Shall doubly rue the havoc they have made ; 

And. in a brotlier's liberty o'erthrown, 

Shall weep to iiud that they have wrecked their own." 

HostiHties had been continued between the parent 
country and the colonies for upward of a year before 
the Declaration of Independence was promulgated. 
The affixir of Lexington had, of course, been the signal 
for war, throughout the colonies. The forts, magazines, 
and arsenals were everywhere seizea. Troops were 
raised, and money for their support ; and it was not 
many weeks before an army of thirty thousand men 
appeared in the environs of Boston, under the com- 
mand of General Putnam, a veteran of the French war, 
in whom the people had great confidence. Allen had 
succeeded in the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point. The next act in the grand drama then unfolding 
was the battle of Bunker Hill. Toward the close of May, 
1775, reinforcements of British troops had arrived at 
Boston, with Generals Howe, Burgoyne and Clinton, 
all of whom were officers of reputation. The provin- 
cial congress of Massachusetts had, early in that month, 
renounced General Gage, as governor of the colony, 



BATTLE OF BUNKER IIIIJ.. 295 

declared him an enemy of the country, and forbidden 
obedience to his orders. On the other hand, Gage had 
issued his proclamation, promising a gracious pardon 
to all who would lay down their arms and return to 
the duties of peaceable subjects, excepting only Samuel 
Adams and John Hancock, whose offenses were de- 
clared of " too flagitious a nature to admit of any 
other consideration than that of condign punishment." 
By the same instrument, Massachusetts was declared to 
be under martial law. General Gage was also prepar- 
ing, in other respects, for more energetic action ; but 
every measure he took, and every moment that })assed, 
served only to unite and embolden the patriots, and 
increase the audacity with which they now, by their 
conduct^s well as by their words, contemned the royal 
authority. The provincial troops had assembled in 
force around Boston, and were throwing up defenses, 
when the battle of Bunker Hill at once and forever 
severed the tie that bound the colonies to Great Britain. 
The fighting on this occasion was of such a determined 
character, as to show the enemy that it was no pastime 
upon which they had entered. One of the British 
officers, in writing home to a friend, declared that 
" the rebels fought more like devils than men." The 
loss of the British in killed and wounded was upward 
of a thousand, while that of the provincials fell short 
of half that'^umber. The great calamity of the day 
was the fall of the brave and accomplished AYarren, 
who was shot through the head early in the action. 

The inhabitants of the New-Hampshire Grants, with 
but few exceptions, partook largely of the feelings which 

'Pervaded the country during the progress of the events 

13* 



296 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN nEROKS. 

which led to the Revolution. Having been snccessfully 
engaged in subduing a forest, and in laying a 
foundation for the happiness of themselves and fam- 
ilies, and in defending their homes against the eii' 
croachments of a neighboring government, they had 
acquired a high sense of their personal rights, and a 
fixed determination to maintain them. They had be- 
come inured to privation and hardship, and were 
familiar with enterprise and adventure. Although 
tlieir isolated position had shielded them from the ac- 
tual effects of the oppressive measures of the Bi-itish 
ministry, and they were engaged in the protection of 
their property from determined aggression, they sym- 
pathized cordially with the sufferings of their brethren 
along the Atlantic coast, and at once concurred in the 
earliest measures for securing a redress of their griev- 
ances. The first bloodshed at Lexington, was the 
signal for them to act, and under tlieir heroic leaders 
they achieved the first important conquest of the Revo- 
lution. The battle of Lexington was a defensive one 
on the part of the colonies — the taking of Ticonde- 
roga was a carefully planned, aggressive measure. It 
was truly the commencement of the war on the part of 
the colonies. And the military stores there acquired 
were taken to Boston by the Green-Mountain Boys, 
many of whom participated in the battle of Bunker 
Hill. 

The capture of Ticonderoga prepared the way for the 
invasion of Canada, which closed the first campaign. 
This measure had been earnestly recommended to 
congress by Ethan Allen and Seth Warner. The 
British ministry had sent, as governor of this province, 



8IE GUT CAJRLETON. 297 

Sir Guj Carleton, a man of resolute character, vast 
genius, and a brilliant reputation for military achieve- 
ments. He was invested with extraordinary powers. 
It was known that he exerted all his efforts to arouse 
the Canadians and Indians, and stimulate them to 
arms against the colonies. Though, at the commence- 
ment, he had found great repugnance among the former, 
it was to be feared that, by employing address and au- 
thority, he might succeed, at length, in drawing them 
to his standard. The character of the people of Can- 
ada was not unknown : they were ever French at 
heart, and were considered fickle. It was known, also, 
that they cherished a sullen discontent on account of 
the " Quebec act," which, though favorable to their 
religion, was unsatisfactory in its provisions regarding 
their civil rights. It was therefore essential to take 
advantage of their discontent, before Carleton should 
win their favor. It was hoped that when the Amer- 
icans should have penetrated into Canada, the inhab- 
itants would not hesitate to espouse their cause, excited 
on the one hand by their hatred to their rulers, and 
reassured on the other by the moderation which the 
colonists had generally manifested in matters touching 
religion. The province of Canada was unsupplied 
with troops of the regular army, these having been 
called to Boston. In addition to these considerations, 
congress had been informed that in the following 
spring, the government was to make a grand effort iu 
Canada ; that numerous forces, arms, and munitions 
would be poured into it, in order to attack the colo- 
nies by way of Lake Champlain, an operation which, 
if not seasonably prevented, might lead to Iktal 



29S ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

conseqiiecces. The colouists, assailed at the same time 
in front and rear, could not have expected to resist. 

Lake Champlain was in possession of the Ameri- 
cans, which opened to them the most eligible route to 
Canada. A more propitious occasion could never oc- 
cur. The British troops, shut up in Boston, and occu- 
pied with their own defense, were not in a condition to 
carry succors into a part so remote from the position 
they then occupied. But it was to be feared that 
longer delays would afford time for the British ministry 
to make the necessary preparations to overpower the 
colonies by a single effort, and reduce them to their 
former dependence. Prudent men, however, could not 
shut their eyes upon the numerous difficulties it pre- 
sented. But a resolution having been carried in favor 
of the expedition, congress was not tardy in taking all 
the measures proper to secure its success. Three thou- 
sand soldiers, partly of JSTew England, and partly 
of ^ew York, were selected for the enterprise. One 
regiment, under the command of Seth "Warner, who 
had been elected their colonel, was composed of 
Green-Mountain Boys. It was determined to in- 
vade Canada by two routes — one portion of the army 
being destined to proceed by the way of Lake Cham- 
plain, against Forts Chambly and St. John, near the 
mouth of the lake, and then, after reducing Montreal, 
to march against Quebec : the other branch of the 
army was to be detached from the environs of Bobton, 
and, going by the way of the Kennebec river, move 
directly toward Quebec, with design of reaching that 
fortress cotemporaneously with the other. Major-gen- 
eral Schuyler was appointed commander-in-chief of the 



GENERAL MONTGOMEKY. 299 

expedition, while Brigadier-general Montgomery* was 
assigned to the command of the first division of the 
army, and Colonel Benedict Arnold to the other. 

^* Richard Montgomery was born in the north of Ireland, December 2d; 
1736. Little is known of his early life. When quite young, he was 
placed in Dublin college, where he obtained a good education. At the 
age of twenty he joined the army. He was sent with the army against 
Louisbourg, afterward served under Amherst, at Ticonderoga, and was 
with Wolfe at the siege of Quebec He thus became specially qualified, 
in the semce of the King of England, to lead the continental troops 
against that monarch. At the close of the French war, Montgomery was 
permitted to return to Europe, where he remained until 1772. Toward 
the close of that year, he resigned the service, sailed for America, and 
arrived in New York in the following Jannaiy. He purchased a farm 
in the neighborhood of that city, but soon afterward removed to Dutchess 
county, where for a long time he devoted himself to the pursuit of agri- 
culture. While at the former place, he m^nied the eldest daughter of R. 
R. Livingston, one of the judges of the supreme court of the province, 
and subsequently member of the continental congress. As the dispute 
between England and her colonies had now become serious, it was im- 
possible for an individual circumstanced like Montgomery to remain neu- 
tral. Accordingly, he took a decided part for the cause of freedom, and 
in April, 1775, h*» was elected to represent Dutchess county in the dele- 
gation to the firet New-York provincial convention. The labors of the 
convention seem to have been rather tedious and unsatisfactory, and 
finally resulted in little good to the cause to espouse which they had con- 
vened. Soon after the meeting of this body, Montgomery received a 
more highly important office than any that had hitherto fallen to his lot, 
and one, too, of which he had little expectation. In June, the conti- 
nental congress appointed four major, and eight brigadier generals, 
namin£j, among the latter, Montgomery. His surprise at the news of this 
flattering distinction was equaled by his modest though heartfelt ac- 
knowledgment of it ; and, with the acceptance of that commission, com- 
menced his brief but glorious career in the cause of freedom. Jn a 
letter to a friend he says : " The Congress having done me the honor of 
electing me a brigadier-general in their service, is an event which must 
put an end for a while, perhaps forever, to the quiet scheme of life I 
had prescribed for myself; for, though entirely unexpected and uudeaired 



300 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

General Montgomerj repaired to Ticonderoga on 
the 17th of August. He here learned that Sir Guy 
Carleton, the military governor of Canada, was pre- 
paring a naval force destined to the defense of Lake 
Chainplain. As immediate action was now of vital 
importance, Montgomery determined to take posses- 
sion of the Isle Aux Noix in the lake, and wrote to 
General Schuyler, signifying his intention to that effect, 
and entreating his immediate presence. Without 
awaiting the arrival of this commander, he selected 
about one thousand men, and two pieces of cannon, 
and embarked on the lake, August 26th. The weather 
was so boisterous that he was not able to reach the 
island before the 5th of September, on which day he 
was joined by Major-general Schuyler, who determined 
upon a nearer approach to the enemy, both with a 
view of reconnoitering their position, and of enlisting 
the esteem and confidence of the population. This 
maneuver was signally successful, the army landing 
within about a mile and a half of St. John's without 
encountering opposition. The troops were soon formed 
and marched toward the fort. In this movement, 
while fording a creek, they met with a party of In- 
dians, who fired upon their left, and threw it into dis- 
order. But Montgomery hastened forward with the 

by me, the will of an oppressed people, compelled to choose between 
liberty and slavery, must be obeyed." Under these noble and self sac- 
rificing views and feelings, Montgomery accepted the commission ten- 
dered to him ; and from that hour to the moment of his death, the whole 
force of his mind and body was devoted to the honor and interest of hi» 
adopted country. The gloiy and fate of Wolfe, his former commander, 
wore present to his thoughts ; and to his young wife his parting words 
were, " You shall never blush for your Montgomery." 



CAPTAIN REMEMBER BAKER. 301 

other troops, and speedily repulsed the assailants with 
some loss. 

In this enterprise, Captain Remember Baker lost his 
life. He had been sent forward by Montgomery to 
reconnoiter the enemy's position. When within a few 
miles of St. John's, he secreted his boat, with the inten- 
tion of marching through the woods. lie had scarcely 
left the boat when a party of Indians took possession 
of it. He called to them to return it, and on their 
refusal to do so, attempted to fire at them, but as he 
drew up his gun, he received a shot through the head. 
His companions then fled, and made their way back 
to the army with the sad intelligence. Captain Baker 
fell at the early age of thirty-five. His life had been 
one of peculiar usefulness. At the age of eighteen he 
had served in an expedition against Canada. He be- 
came a resident of the New-Hampshire Grants in 1764, 
where he at once became one of the most influential 
and useful of the leaders of the Green-Mountain Boys. 
As an officer and soldier he was cool and temperate in 
council, but resolute and determined in the execution 
of his plans. As a neighbor he was distinguished for 
his kindness, and his memory was held dear by many 
families whose distresses he had generously relieved. 

At Isle Aux Noix Schuyler's increasing ill health ren- 
dered him unfit for service, and he retired to Ticon- 
deroga, leaving the command of the expedition with 
General Montgomery. In his report to congress ne 
8]>eak8 thus of the latter officer : "I cannot estimate 
the obligations I lie under to General Montgomery for 
the many important services he has done and daily 
does, and in which he has had little assistance from 



302 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

me, as I have not enjoyed a moment's health since I 
left Fort George, and am now so low as not to be able 
to hold the pen. Should we not be able to do any thing 
decisively in Canada, I shall judge it best to move from 
this place, which is a very wet and unhealthy part of 
the country ; unless I receive your orders to the 
contrary. " 

Colonel Allen, the hero of Ticonderoga, had a com- 
mand under Montgomery. Having been dispatched, 
with Major Brown, into the interior of Canada, he was, 
on his return, persuaded by the latter to undertake the 
rash project of attacking Montreal. He divided his 
detachment, consisting of less than three hundred men. 
into two parties, intending to assail the city at opposite 
points. Major Brown was prevented from executing 
his part of the enterprise. Colonel Allen and his 
small party, opposed by the whole force of the enemy 
under Governor Carleton, fought with desperate valor. 
Many were killed ; the survivors, overpowered by 
numbers, were compelled to surrender. The governor, 
viewing Allen, not as the intrepid soldier, but as a fac- 
tious rebel, loaded him with irons and sent him to 
England for trial, Carleton .afterward admitted that 
if Brown had not failed to join Allen, Montreal would 
have fallen into their hands. 

Montgomery remained at Isle Aux 'Noix only long 
enough to receive, a reinforcement of men and a few 
pieces of artillery. He then re-embarked, again landed 
at St. John's, and commenced operations for its invest- 
ment. On the 18th of September, he marched with a 
party of Hve hundred men to the north of the fort, 
where he met a considerable portion of the garrison 



i 



DISSATISFACTION AMONG THE TJROOPS. 303 

returning from the repulse of the party under Ethan 
Allen. A skirmish ensued, which in a few minutes 
terminated in the repulse of the enemy, wlio fled in 
disorder. But for a timidity among the Americans, 
the whole party might have been captured. In speak- 
ing of his men, General Montgomery says, "As soon 
as we saw the enemy, the old story of treachery spread 
among the men; and the cry was, we are trepanned 
and drawn under the guns of the fort. The woodsmen 
were less expert in forming than I had expected, and 
too many of them hung back. Had we kept more 
silence, we should have taken a field-piece or two. " 

Montgomery now determined to push the siege of St. 
John's with all possible vigor. In grder to cut ofi" sup- 
plies, he established a camp at the junction of the two 
roads leading to Chambly and Montreal, and defended 
it with a ditch, and a garrison of three hundred men. 
But he was surrounded with difficulties. His artil- 
lery was so light as to make little impression upon the 
walls, and the artillerists were raw and unskillful. 
Besides, his ammunition was almost exhausted, and 
the engineer was as ignorant of duty as were the artil- 
lerists. To all these was added another difficulty far 
greater than the rest, — his men, through constant ex- 
posure to a damp soil and unhealthy climate, and un- 
used to the rules of war, had become insubordinate, 
and even mutinous ; and the circumstances in which 
the commander was placed, effectually prevented him 
from enforcing discipline. This feeling was openly 
exhibited in an attempt of the general to remove tho 
seat of his active operations to the north side of the 
town; and so palpible were its demonstrations, that he 



804 KTHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

was forced to compromise with professional dignity, 
and submit his opinion to that of a board of otticers 
Thej refused to accede to bis plan, and it was for a 
time abandoned. Subsequently, however, their consent 
was obtained, and a position taken to the north-west 
of the fort. 

Meanwhile an event took place, as fortunate as it 
was unexpected, the success of which, decided the tate 
of the garrison. A gentleman from New York named 
James Livingston, had resided for a considerable time 
in Canada, and by a proper course of conduct had 
won the esteem of a large number of the inhabitants 
As he was known to be favorable to tbe cause of liberty^ 
Montgomery determined to employ his popularity in 
service to himself Accordingly, at the instigation of 
the o-eneral, he orcjanized a number of the inhabitants 
into an armed corps, promising the protection of con- 
gress to all their movements. In company with Major 
Brown, he speedily made himself master of Fort 
Chambly, including all the garrison, one hundred and 
twenty-six barrels of gunpowder, and a large amount 
of military and other stores. 

Colonel Seth Warner and Lis regiment were with 
Montgomery at the siege of St. Jchn's, although it is 
evident that both Warren and the officers of his reg- 
iment were without commissions, for we find by Mont- 
gomery's orderly book, that on the 16th of September 
he issued an order appointing Seth Wa:^nor colonel of 
a regiment of Green-Mountain Rangers, re'i^iiring that 
he should be obeyed as such. Probably the provincial 
cono-ress of New York withheld the commiyaio.'is on 
the same grounds on which, in the following year, tb^T 



COLONEL Warner's regiment. 305 

OTged Ihe continental congress to recall the commissions 
which they had given to Warner, and the officers of his 
regiment. But the regiment fought as bravely, and 
performed as important services, as any other regiment 
during the campaign, as will appear by the following 
brief account of it. Montgomery, having obtained a 
supply of ammunition and military stores, by the cap- 
ture of Chambly, made his advances npon the fort at 
St. John's, with increased vigor. The garrison consisted 
of six or seven hutidred men, who, in hopes of being 
soon relieved by General Carleton, made a resolute 
defense. Carleton exerted himself for this purpose, 
but such was the disaffection of the Canadians to the 
British cause, that he could not muster more than one 
thousand men, including the regulars, militia of Mon- 
treal, Canadians and Indians. With this force he 
proposed to cross the St. Lawrence, and join Colonel 
McLean, who had collected a few hundred Scotch em- 
igrants, and taken post at the mouth of the Richelieu, 
hoping, with their united forces, to be able to raise the 
siege of St. John's, and relieve the garrison. In pur- 
suance of this design, Carleton embarked his troops at 
Montreal, with the view of crossing the St. Lawrence, 
and landing at Longueil. Their embarkation was dis- 
covered by Colonel Warner from the opposite shore, 
who, with about three hundred Green-Mountain Boys, 
watched their motions, and prepared for their a})proach. 
Just before they reached the south shore, Warner 
opened npon them a well-directed fire of musketry and 
grape-shot, from a four-pounder, by which unexpected 
assault, the enemy were thrown into the utmost confu- 
sion, and retreated with precipitation and disorder. 



S06 ETHAN ALLEN AND QEEEN-MOUNTAIJS" HEKOES. 

When the news of Carleton's defeat reached McLeaL., 
he abandoned his position at the mouth of the Kiche- 
lieu, and hastened to Quebec. By these events, the 
garrison at St. John's was left without the hope of relief, 
and Major Preston, the commander, was consequently 
obliged to surrender. The garrison laid down their 
arms on the 3d of November, and became prisoners of 
war, to the number of five hundred regulars, and more 
'than one hundred Canadian volunteers. In the tort 
were found a number of cannon and a large quantity 
of military stores. Colonel Warner having repulsed 
General Carleton, and caused McLean to retire to 
Quebec, the Americans proceeded to erect a battery at 
the mouth of the Kichelieu, to. command the passage 
of the St. Lawrence, and blockade General Carleton in 
Montreal. In this situation of things, Montgomery ar- 
rived from St. John's, and took possession of Montreal 
without opposition. General Carleton having abandoned 
it to its fate, and escaped down the river in the niglit, 
in a small canoe with muffled oars. A large number 
of armed vessels, loaded with provisions and military 
stores, and General Prescott, with one hundred officers 
and privates, also attempted to pass down the river, 
but they were all captured at the mouth of the Riche- 
lieu, without the loss of a man. Warner's regiment 
having served as volunteers, and the men being too 
miserably clothed to endure a winter campaign in that 
severe climate, on the 20th of November Montgomery 
discharged them, with peculiar marks of respect, and 
Lis thanks for their meritorious services. 

Wliile Montgomery was engaged in the reduction 
of Chambly, St. John's, and Montreal, the army 



ARNOLD BEFORE QUEBEC. 307 

d stined to meet him before Quebec was passing tbrongb 
the dreary wilderness lying between the province of 
Maine and the the St. Lawrence. This extraordinary 
and most arduous enterprise had been committed to 
Colonel Arnold, who, with one thousand one hundred 
men, consisting of New-England infantry, some vol 
unteers, a company of artillery, and three companies 
of riflemen, commenced his march on the I3th Sep 
tember. It is almost impossible to conceive the labor, 
hardships, and difficulties which this detachment 
had to encounter in their progress up the rapid stream 
of the Kennebec, frequently interrupted by falls, where 
they were obliged to land and carry the boats upon 
their shoulders, until they surmounted them, through a 
country wholly ifninhabited, with a scanty supply of 
provisions, the season cold and rainy, and the men 
daily dropping down with fatigue, sickness and hunger. 
Arnold was indefatigable in his endeavors to alleviate 
the distress of his men, but to procure provisions for 
them was out of his power. They were at one time 
reduced to so great an extremity of hunger, that the 
dogs belonging to the army were killed and eaten, and 
many of the soldiers devoured their leather cartouch- 
boxes 1 Arnold and his party at length arrived at 
Point Levi, opposite the town of Quebec; but in con- 
sequence of information the British had received, by 
the treachery of the Indian to whom Arnold intrusted 
a letter to General Schuyler, the boats which he ex 
pected to find there to transport his troops across the 
river had been removed, and the enemy were no longer 
in a state to be surprised. Arnold, however, was not 
to be deterred from attempting something against the 



308 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

town — he calculated strongly upon the defection of 
the inhabitants ; and having supplied himself with 
canoes, he crossed the river in the night, and gained 
possession of the heights of Abraham. Here, though 
he had no artillery, and scarcely half the number of 
men that composed the garrison of the town, he made 
a bold experiment to try the loyalty of the enemy's 
troops, by sending a flag to summon them to surren- 
der. But no message would be admitted, and Arnold 
found himself compelled to retire to more comfortable 
quarters, where he awaited the arrival of General 
Montgomery. 

General Carleton, who, it has already been stated, ar- 
rived at Quebec, had taken the best measures for its 
defense, and was prepared to receive him. In a few 
days, the American general opened a six-gun battery 
within about seven hundred yards of the walls ; but 
his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he 
could do nothing more than to amuse the enemy, and 
conceal his real purpose. After continuing the siege 
nearly a month, he resolved on a desperate attempt to 
carry the place by escalade. To distract the garrison, 
two feigned attacks were made on the upper town by 
two divisions of the army under Majors Brown and 
Livingston, while two real attacks on opposite sides of 
the lower town were made by two other divisions under 
Montgomery and Arnold. Early in the morning of 
the last day in the year, the signal was given, and the 
several divisions moved to the assault in the midst of 
a heavy fall of snow, which covered the assailants 
from the sight of the enemy. Montgomery, at the 
head of the New- York troops, advanced along the St. 



DEATH OF MONTGOMERY. 309 

Lawrence, by Aiince de Mere, under Cape Diaraond. 
The first barrier to be surmounted on that side was de- 
fended by a battery, in which were mounted a few 
pieces of artillery, in front of which were a block-house 
and picket. The guard at the block-house, after giving 
a random fire, threw away their arms and fled to the 
barrier, and for a time the battery itself was deserted. 
Enormous piles of ice impeded the progress of the 
Americans, who, pressing forward in a narrow defile, 
reached at length the block-house and picket. Mont- 
gomery, who was in front, assisted in cutting down or 
palling up the pickets, and advanced boldly and rap- 
idly at the head of about two hundred men, to force 
the barrier. At this time one or two persons had ven- 
tured to return to the battery, and, seizing a' slow 
match, discharged one of the guns. Casual as this fire 
appeared, it was fatal to General Montgomery and to 
two valuable young officers near his person, who, to- 
gether with his orderly sergeant and a private, were 
killed on the spot. Colonel Campbell, on whom the 
command devolved, precipitately retired with the re- 
mainder of the division. Thus fell one of the bravest 
and most accomplished generals that ever led an army 
to the field. But he was not more illustrious for his 
skill and courage as an officer, than he was estimable 
for his private virtues. All enmity to him, on the part 
of the British, ceased with his life, and respect for his 
private character prevailed over all other considera- 
tions. When the corpse of Montgomery was shown to 
Carleton, the heart of that noble officer melted. They 
had served in the same regiment under Wolte, and the 
most friendly relation existed between them, throughout 



3i0 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

tbe whole French war. The Lieutenant-governor 
of Quebec, Mr. Cramche, ordered him a cotHn, and 
friends and enemies united in expressions of sorrow, as 
Lis remains were conducted to their final resting-place. 

At his death. General Montgomery was in the first 
month of his thirt^Miinth year. He was a man of 
great military talents, whose measures were taken 
with judgment and executed with vigor. He shared 
all the hardships of his troops, and though they had 
been unused to discipline, and many of them were 
jealous of their commander, he prevented their com- 
plaints by timely measures, and inspired them with 
his own enthusiasm. His industry could not be wea- 
ried, his vigilance imposed upon, nor his courage intim- 
idated. Above the pride of opinion, when a measure 
was adopted by the majority, he gave it his full sup- 
port, even though contrary to his own judgment. 

Few men have ever fallen in battle so much regret- 
ted on both sides as General Montgomery. His many 
amiable qualities had procured him an uncommon 
share of private aflfection, and his great abilities an 
equal proportion of public estec i. Being a sincere 
lover of liberty, he had engaged in the American cause 
from principle, and quitted the enjoyment of an easy 
fortune, and the highest domestic felicity, to take an 
active share in the fatigues and danorers of a war in- 
fitituted for the defense of the community of which he 
was an adopted member. His well-known character 
was almost equally esteemed by the friends and foes 
of the side which he had espoused. In America he was 
celebrated as a martyr to the liberties of mankind ; in 
Great Britain, as a misguided man, sacrificing himself 



CHARACTEK OF MONTGOMERY. 311 

to what he supposed to be the rights of his country. 
His liame was mentioned in parliament with singular 
respect. Some of the most powerful speakers in that 
assembly displayed their eloquence in sounding his 
praise and lamenting his fate. Those in particular 
who had been his fellow-soldiers in the previous war, 
expatiated on his many virtues. The minister himself 
acknowledged his worth, while he reprobated the cause 
for which he fell. He concluded an involuntary pan- 
egyric by saying, "Curse on his virtues, they have un- 
done his country." 

"In this brief story of a short and useful life," says 
Mr. Armstrong, in his memoir of Montgomery, "we 
find all the elements which enter into the composition 
of a great man, and distinguished soldier; 'a happy 
physical organization, combining strength and activity, 
and enabling its possessor to encounter laborious days 
and sleepless nights, hunger and thirst, all changes of 
weather, and every variation of climate.' To these 
corporeal advantages was added a mind, cool, discrim- 
inating, energetic and fearless ; thoroughly acquainted 
with mankind, not uninstructed in the literature and 
sciences of the day, and habitually directed by a high 
and unchangeable moral sense. That a man so consti- 
tuted should have won 'the golden opinions' of friends 
and foes, is not extraordinary.* The most eloquent men 
of the British senate became his panegyrists ; and the 

* As soon as the news of Montgomerj-'s death reached congress, they 
adopted resolutions of condolence with his famil}' for their bereavement, 
and directed a monument to be erected to his memory, with an inscription 
expressive of their veneration for his character, and of their deep sense 
i.'f Ills " nifniv siii;n.il and irn|)Oi1ant servictw; and to transmit to future 

14 



312 ETllAJS AUJiN AND UKKEI<J -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

American congress hastened to testify for him * then 
grateful remembrance, profound respect, and high 
venenVion.' " 

On tlie fall of Montgomery, Colonel Campbell, the 
second in command, ordered a retreat, although, if he 
had pushed bravely forward, the city would have in- 
evitably fallen into his hands. In the mean time, 

ages, as an example wortliy of imitation, bis patriotism, conduct, bold- 
ness of enterprise, insuperable pei-severance, and contempt of «langor and 
death." A monument of white maiblo, with appropriate emblematic 
devices, was acconlinjijly erected to his mom(try, in front of St. Paiil'a 
church in Now York, wiih the following inscription : 

THIS 

monument is erected by onler of Congress 

!2r)th Jiinuary, 1771), 

to transmit to posterity a gnitefiil romem- , 

brance of the {)atri()tic condudt, enttjrjirise niid perseverance 

of Major- gnierul RirnAun Mo.sruoMKRY, 

who, after a series of success amid the most discour- 

airiuf; tlitliculties, Fell in the attack on 

QuKHKC, 3 1st December, 1775, aijed 'M years. 

The widow of Montgomery survivini him more tlian half a century, 
maintaining tlie digniHed j^K>sition of a wife who carries with her to 
the tomb a name illustrious and venerated by arj entire nation. Left a 
widow when still yoiuig, she wore for upward of forty years her nmuriv- 
ing for her soldier, — (it was thus she always named him) — and threw 
oft" that attire of gloom only on the eve of the day on which, from the 
same abode from which she had last beheld him at his parting from her, 
full of life and hope, she saw passing before her on the Hudson, a 8tean)er 
"which bore on its deck, overHhndowed by twenty star-spangled banners, 
the mortal remains of her husband. In 1818, De Witt Clinton, then 
governor of New York, believed that the moment had arri> jtl to accom- 
plisli a great act of national gratitude. The British government sympa- 
thized generously with the noble id'.-a. The remains of the glorious 
Montgomery, found undisturbed in the tomb where they had been laid 
forty-two yeare before by the English soldiere, were delivered over by 
the governor of Canada to the American veterans conj missioned to re- 
ceive them. Transported with a religious pomp to New York, they 
■were «leposited in the cenotaph that had been erecte<i in St. I'aul't 
church-yard to the warrior's memory. 



FIKAL RKPULBTi: AT QUEBEC. 313 

4 bloTicl Arnold, at the head of about three hundred 
and fifty men, made a de^yterate attack on the oppo- 
site side. Advancing with the utmost intrepidity 
througli a narrow patii, exposed to an incessant fire 
of grape-shot and musketry, as he approached tiie first 
barrier, he received a musket-ball in the leg, which 
shattered the bone, and he was carried off to the camp. 
Captain Morgan,, who commanded a company of Vir- 
ginia riflemen, ruslied forward to the batteries at their 
head, and received a discharge of grape-shot, which 
killed one man only. A few rifles were immediately 
fired into the embrasures, and the barricade was 
mounted ; tlie battery was instantly deserted, but the 
captain of the guard, with the greater part of his men, 
fell into the hands of the Americans. Morgan formed 
his men, but from the darkness of the niglit and total 
ignorance of the situation of the town, it was judged 
unadvisable to proceed, lie was soon joined by Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Green and Majors Bigelow and Meigs, 
with several fragments of companies, amounting col- 
lectively to about two hundred men. At daylight this 
gallant party was again formed, and a most bloody 
and dangerous engagement ensued. Many of the 
«nemy were killed, but more Americans, who were ex- 
posed to a destructive fire of musketry from the win- 
dows of the houses. Some of the most daring mounted 
the wall, but, seeing, on the other side, two ranks of 
soldiers, with their muskets on the ground, presenting 
hedges of bayonets to receive them should they leap 
forward, they recoiled and descended. Weary with 
exertion, and Ijenumbed with cold; exposed to a deadly 
fire from evef j quarter ; their arms rendered useless 



314 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MO DNTAIN HEROES. 

by the snow which continued to fall, the soldiers sought 
refuore in the houses. Perceiving that all further at- 
tempts would be vain, Morgan gave the signal to re- 
treat. Some of the men fled, but most were unwilling 
to encounter another tempest of shot. They refused, 
however, to yield, until assured of the fate of Mont- 
gomery; when, losing all hope of success and escape, 
they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. 

Some of the Americans, on their escape from Que- 
bec, retreated precipitately to Montreal. Arnold, with 
ditticulty, detained four hundred, who, breaking up 
their camp, retired three miles from the city. Here 
this heroic band, though much inferior in number to the 
garrison, kept it in continual awe, and, by preventing 
all communication with the country, reduced it to great 
distress for the want of provisions. Congress, on re- 
ceiving information of the disaster of the 31st of De- 
cember, directed reinforcements to be sent to Canada ; 
and after the beginning of March, Arnold's party was 
almost daily augmented by the arrival of small bodies 
of troops. But its strength did not increase with its 
numbers. The small-pox still continued its ravages; 
fatigue, withont hope, depressed the spirits of the 
soldiers ; the difficulty of obtaining provisions became 
every day greater; and the harsh measures adopted by 
Arnold to pr.ocure them, exasperated the inhabitants 
around him. 

Oh the first of May, General Thomas, who had been 
appointed to succeed Montgomery, arrived from the 
camp at Koxbury. On reviewing his army, he found 
it to consist of less than two tb*'%:sand men, of whom 
half were not fit for duty. A council of war was held. 



COLONEL SETH WAKNEK. 315 

who resolved that it was expedient to take a more de- 
fensible position higher up the St. Lawrence. To this 
decision they were led by the knowledge that the ice 
was leaving the river, and by the expectation that 
reinforcements from England would immediately come 
up. The next morning, in fact, while the Americans 
were engaged in removing the sick, several ships ap- 
peared in sight, and entered the harbor. A multitude 
of troops were immediately poured into the city. At 
one o'clock, Carleton made a sortie at the head of a 
thousand men. Against these General Thomas, at that 
moment, could oppose but three hundred. All the 
stores, and many of the sick, fell into the power of the 
enemy. The latter were treated, by the governor, 
with great tenderness ; and when restored to health, 
were assisted to return to their homes. The Americans 
retreated to the mouth of the Sorel, where thev were 
joined by several regiments, and where their worthy 
commander died of the small-pox, which yet prevailed 
in the camp. 

After the capture of Montreal, Colonel Seth Warner 
had returned with his regiment to the Xew-IIampshire 
Grants; but instead of enjoying a respite from the 
fatigues and hardships of a campaign during the 
winter, he was called on to return to Canada. Al- 
though he was not in commission, and had no troops 
under his command, yet, General Wooster, who knew 
him well, did not scruple to write, requesting him to 
raise a body of men. and march into Canada, in the 
middle of winter. The letter is dated at Montreal, 
3ianuary 6th, 1776. After giving a general account of 
the defeat at Quebec, General Wooster says : " I ha\e 



310 ETHAN ATJ.EN AND OKKEN-MODTSTTAIN HEROES. 

sent an express to General Schuyler, to Washington, 
and to congi-ess, but yon know how very long it will 
be before we can have relief from them. You, sir, and 
your valiant Green-Mountain Boys, are in our neigh- 
borhood ; you all have arms, and 1 am confident ever 
stand ready to lend a helping hand to your brethren 
in distress; therefore, let me beg of you to raise as many 
men as you can, and have them in Canada, with the 
least possible delay, to remain till we can have relief 
from the Colonies. You will see that proper officers 
are appointed under you, and the officers and privat<es 
will have the same pay as the continental troops. It 
will be for your men to start as soon as they can be 
collected. No matter whether they all march together, 
but let them come on by tens, twenties, thirties, for- 
ties, or fifties, as fast as they can be prepared to march. 
It will have a good effect upon the minds of the Cana- 
dians, to see succor coming in. You will be good 
enough to send copies of this letter, or such parts of 
it as you shall judge proper, to the people below you. 
I can but hope the people will make a push to get 
into this country, and I am confident I shall see you 
here, with your men, in a very short time." And Gen- 
eral Wooster was not disappointed. He did see War- 
ner in Canada, with his men, in a very -short time. 
Probably no revolutionary patriot, during the war, 
performed a service evincing more energy, resolution, 
and perseverance, or a more noble patriotism, than 
the raising of a regiment in eleven days, and 
marching to Quebec in the face of a Canadian winter. 
Warner had advantages in the performance of thi's 
service which no other man possessed. The Green- 



COLONEL SETH WARNER. 317 

Monntain Boys bad long been armed in tbeir own 
defense against tbe government of K^ew York, and be 
had been tbeir cbosen leader. Tbev bad become habit- 
uated to turn out at bis call, ano How bis lead. And 
as they bad been successful in every enterprise, they 
bad tbe most unlimited confidence in bis judgment, 
bis vigilance, bis prudence and bis unflincbing courage. 
Besides, they loved him for bis moral and social quali- 
ties. He sympathized with all classes, which rendered 
biui affable and familiar with them, and as this did not 
arise from anv mean or selfish motive, but from the 
interest which be felt in the welfare of his fellow-men, 
. he ever maintained a self-respect and a dignified de- 
portment. Add to this, that tbe Green-Mountain Boys 
were zealous and active whigs, and it is no longer 
incredible tbat they turned out with such alacrity at 
tbe call of Warner, in defense of their country. Tins 
winter campaign in Canada proved extremely distress- 
ing. Tbe troops were in want of comfortable clothing, 
barracks, and provisions. The American army, in 
tbeir distressed situation, were compelled to make a 
hasty retreat. Warner took a position exposed to tbe 
greatest danger, and requiring the utmost care and 
vigilance. He was always in the rear, picking up tbe 
wounded and diseased, assisting and encouraging those 
least able to take care of themselves, and generally 
kept but a few miles in advance of tbe British, who 
closely pursued the Americans from post to post. By 
calmly and steadily pursuing this course, with his 
baliitual vigilance and care, Warner brought off most 
of tbe invalids, and with this corps of tbe diseased and 
infirm, arrived at Ticonderoga a few days after the 



318 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

main army had reached that fortress.* Thus termi- 
nated the expedition against Canada. In its concep- 
tion it was singularly bold and romantic. In its 
progress were displayed fortitude and bravery seldom 
equaled in military annals. Its failure was a painful 
disappointment to the patriots of the day. It is now 
consoling to reflect, that successes would probably have 
proved injurious to the cause of independence. " To 
protect the province, the military force of the confed- 
eracy must have been too much extended, and colonies 
more important have been left defenseless. 

In June, 1776, General Gatesf was appointed to the 
command of the army at Crown Point. He entered 
upon the service with great energy. In addition to 
the labor and expense of putting Ticonderoga into a 
proper situation for defense, another object of great 
importance engaged their attention at the same time : 
it was equally necessary to preserve the command of 

* See Life of Warner, by Hon. Daniel Chipman. 

t Horatio Gates was born in England, in 1728. He early embraced 
the career of arms, and rose to the rank of major by the force of merit 
alone. He was an officer under the unfortunate Braddock, in the expe- 
dition against Fort Du Quesne, in the year 1755, and was, with the 
illustrious Washington, among the few officers who escaped with life on 
the memorable occasion. In consequence of a severe wound which he 
received in the battle, he was for some time debarred from actual service ; 
and at the conclusion of the peace, he retired to his native country. 
He soon, however, returned, and purchased an estate in Virginia, on 
which he resided until the commencement of the revolutionary war, . 
when he was appointed adjutant-general, by congress, with the rank of 
brigadier. In July 1775, he accompanied Washington to Mas'sachusetta, 
where he continued until he received the chief command of the arm, 
which had just returned from Canada. 




NAVAL PREPARATIONS. 319 

Lake Champlain, by the coDstruction of a consideraMe 
naval force. In the prosecution of this business, the 
Americans labored with uncommon diligence and per* 
severance, but under complicated and immense diffi- 
culties. Their timber was to be cut down in the woods, 
and dragged by men to the lake ; much of their ar- 
tillery, their ammunition, stores, and most of their 
, materials for a naval equipment, were to be brought 
from great distances, and then must be transported by 
land-carriage, over roads almost impassable. Carpen- 
ters and ship-builders were fully employed in the sea- 
ports, in fitting out privateers. The distance and diffi- 
culty of the communication rendered the transportation 
of bulky articles very expensive and tedious ; and sev- 
eral of the articles which were wanted were not to be 
procured, and the supply of others was greatly deficient 
in quantity and quality. But amidst all their difficulties, 
such was the resolution, industry and perseverance of 
the men, that by the middle of August, they had 
equipped a very considerable nav^l force. This arma- 
ment was manned with three hundred and ninety-five 
men, and was completely fitted f ^r action. Consider- 
ing the state of the country at that time, the difficulties 
and disadvantages under which this naval force had 
been constructed, it is surprising how so much could 
have been efiected. 

Such, however, was the importance to the designs 
oi the English of obtaining an al}6olute control of the 
lakes, that General Carleton set himself with all dili- 
gence to the equipment of a fleet. His plan was, ao- 
cording to the instructions of the ministry, to penetrate 
by way of the lake to the Hudson river, and thus to 



320 ETHAN ATXEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

eft'ect a junction with the army of New York, at Al- 
bany. By the execution of tliis plan, the provinces of 
New En<>:lancl would have found themselves separated 
frum the others by a powerful and victorious army, 
and the cause of freedom would have been exposed to 
the most imminent perils. Long deliberated upon in the 
councils of the British ministers, it was their tavorite 
scheme. And, in effect, the very nature of the placet, 
between Canada and New York, appeared to tavor 
.this enterprise. With the exception of the heights 
which are found between the upper extremity of Lake 
George and the left bank of tlie Hudson, and which 
only occupy a space of sixteen miles, the entire passage 
from one of tiiese provinces to the other, could easily l)e 
made by water, first by ascending from the St. Law- 
rence into the Sorel, and then ti'aversing the Lakes 
Champlain and George, or Wood creek, to the lands 
wiiich separate it from the Hudson. The English hav- 
ing an immense superiority at sea, Canada being en- 
tirely in their power, and as the principal seat of resist- 
ance was found in the provinces of New England, 
while the coasts of New York were peculiarly acces- 
sible to maritime attacks, it cannot be denied that tliis 
plan of the campaign presented great advantages. But 
the difficulty of the enterprise was equal to its impor- 
tance. It was requisite to construct, or at least to 
equip a fleet of thirty vessels of different dimensions, 
and to arm them with artillefy ; the want of materials 
rendered either of these objects difficult to accomplish. 
The transportation afterward in certain places by land 
and drawing up the rapids of Chambly, of thirty 
large long-boats, a number of flatr-bottomed boats of 



BRITISH NAVAL FORCE. 321 

confiiderable burthen, with above four hundred bateaux, 
was an operation which off'ered not only great obstacles, 
but even an appearance of impossibility. But the 
English seamen, from their skill and patience, were 
not intimidated by it. The soldiers seconded them, 
and the Canadians, taken from their rustic labors, were 
compelled to share the toil. The generals urged for- 
ward this laborious undertaking on account of the 
lateness of the season. They felt all the importance 
of the enterprise, and persuaded themselves that if 
they could reach Albany before winter, their ultimate 
success would be secured. They labored, therefore, 
with incredible activity ; but notwithstanding all their 
efforts, the preparations could not be completed, nor 
the armament equipped, till the middle of the month 
of October. The fleet w^ould have made no contempti- 
ble figure even upon the European seas. The admirars 
ship carried eighteen twelve pounders, and was followed 
by two stout schooners, the one mounting fourteen, the 
otlier, twelve six-pounders, with a large flat-bottomed 
boat having six twenty-four and six twelve-pounders. 
Twenty vessels of less size carried each a brass piece of 
oidnance, from nine to twenty -four pounders, or howit- 
zers. Several long-boats w^ere equipped in the same man- 
ner. Besides these, there was a great number of boats 
and tenders of various sizes, to serve as transports for the 
troops, baggage, warlike stores, provisions, and arms 
of every sort. 

The whole fleet was commanded by Captain Pringle, 
a sea-officer of great experience ; it was manned by a 
select body uf seamen, animated with an extreme de- 
sire of victory. The land-troops, encamped in the 



322 ETHAN ALLEN AND GUEEN-MOUNTATN UEROES. 

environs, prepared, as soon as the navigation of tlielake 
bIiouIcI be secured, t-y fall upon the enemy. Three 
thousand men occupiod Isle Aux ISToix, and as many 
were stationed at St. John's : the remainder were dis" 
tributed either in the vessels or in the neighboring 
garrisons. 

The Americans nnited all their forces to resist such 
formidable preparations. General Gates was at their 
head, and Arnold showed himself everywhere, inspir 
inir tlie soldiers with that ardent courage for which he 
was himself distinguished. As the event of the cam- 
paign npon this frontier depended wholly npon naval 
operations, the Americans had exerted themselves to 
the utmost of their power to arm and equip a fleet 
capable of opposing that of the enemy. But, notwith- 
standing the activity and perseverance of the American 
o-enerals, their squadron amounted to no' more than fif- 
teen vessels of different sizes, two brigs, one corvette, one 
sloop, three galleys, and eight flat-boats. Their largest 
vessel mounted only twelve six sind four-pounders. But 
that this armament might not want a chief whose in- 
trepidity e(iualed tlie danger of the enterprise, the 
command of it was given to General Arnold. It was 
expected of him to maintain, upon this new element, 
the reputation he had acquired on land. The American 
army, notwithstanding all the obstacles it had encoun- 
tered, and the ravages of the small-pox, still amounted 
to eight or nine thousand men. 

All the dispositions being made on both sides, 
General Carleton, impatient to conquer, ordered all hia 
naval forces to advance toward Crown Point, intending 
to attack Arnold there. He hatl already reached tire 



Arnold's naval engagement. 323 

middle of the lake without havinrr been able to discover 
him, and was proceeding without any distrust, wlien 
all at once tiie English perceived the American squad- 
ron, which was drawn up with great skill, behind the 
island of Valcour, and occupied the passage between 
the island and the western shore of the lake. This 
unexpected interview caused a violent agitation on 
both sides. A fierce engagement immediately ensued. 
But the wind being unfavorable to the English, they 
could not display their whole line; the Inflexible, and 
their other vessels of tlie largest class, took no part in 
the action. The brig Carleton, accompanied by several 
gun-boats, assailed Arnold's fleet with singular courage 
and ability. The Americans supported the combat 
with equal bravery ; it lasted above four hours. The 
wind continuing to be contrary for the English, Captain 
Pringle perceived that he could not hope to obtain ad- 
vantages with a part of his forces against all those of 
the enemy, and accordingly gave the signal for retreat ; 
ordering the fleet to be anchored in a line, in presence 
of the American squadron. 

The Americans had lost in the action their largest 
brig, which took fire and was consumed, as also a flat- 
boat which went to the bottom. They considered it 
extremely dangerous to await a second engagement 
in the anchorage they occupied, and consequently de- 
termined to retire under the walls of Crown Point, 
hoping that the artillery of the fortress would counter- 
balance the superiority of the enemy's force. Fortune 
seemed inclined to favor this design of General Arnold ; 
and already his vessels, having lost sight of those of 
the English, sailed rapidly toward their new station ; 



324 ETITAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

when suddenly the wind became favorable to the 
enemy, wlio pursued and came up with them before 
their arrival at Crown Point. The battle was immedi- 
ately renewed with greater fury than at first ; it con- 
tinued upward of two hours. Those vessels, in the 
mean while, which were most ahead, crowded sail, and, 
passinoj Crown Point, ran for Ticonderoga. Only two 
galleys and five flat-boats, remained with General 
Arnold. With these he made a desperate defense ; but 
his second in command. Brigadier-general Waterburgh, 
being taken with his vessel, and the others making but 
a faint resistance, be determined, in order to prevent 
bis people and shipping from fjilling into the power 
of the enemy, to run these on shore and set them on 
fire. Pie executed his intention with great address. 
He remained on board the vessel he commanded, and 
kept her colors flying, till she w-as on fire. Though he 
had been unsuccessful on this occasion, the disparity 
of strength duly considered, he lost no reputation, but 
rose, on the contrary, in the estimation of his country- 
men. He had, in their opinion, acquitted himself with 
no less ability in this naval encounter, than he had 
before done on land. The Americans, having destroyed 
whatever could not be carried off", evacuated Crown 
Point and withdrew to Ticonderoga. General Carleton 
occupied the former immediately, and the rest of the 
army came soon after to join him there. 

Completely masters of Lake Champlain, the English 
had no other obstacle to surmount besides the fortress 
of Ticonderoga, in order to penetrate into Lake George. 
If Carleton, rapidly availing himself of his advantage, 
had- pushed forward against the Americans thrown into 



GENEliAL CARLFrON. 325 

confusion by defeat, perhaps he might have seized this 
important place. But he was prevented from doing if 
by a south wind, which prevailed for several days. 
The Americans made the best use of this time in pre-' 
paring and increasing their means of defense. They 
mounted their cannon, constructed new works, and 
repaired the old, surrounding them with moats and 
palisades. The garrison was reinforced with extreme 
expedition ; and conformably to the orders of Wash- 
ington, the oxen and horses were removed into distant 
places, that the English might not seize them for pro- 
vision or draugU. Meanwhile, General Carleton had 
not neglected to detach scouting parties upon the two 
banks of the lake ; and, wlien the wind permitted, some 
light vessels were also sent toward Ticonderoga, to re 
connoiter the force of the enemy and the state of tho 
fortress. All the reports agreed that the tbrtifications 
were formidable, and the garrison full of ardor. He 
reflected, therefore, that the siege must be long, difficult, 
and sanguinary, and concluded, accordingly, that the 
possession of this fortress would not indemnify him for 
all it might cost. The winter approached ; the want 
of provisions, the difficulty of direct communication 
with Canada, and the little hope of success from an 
expedition in the cold and desert regions which sepa- 
rate the Hudson river from Lake George, rendered the 
wintering upon this lake extremely perilous. In con- 
sequer-^ of these considerations, the English general 
deemed the reduction of Ticonderoga of little utility 
in his present circumstances, whereas the command of 
the lakes secured him a clear passage to return in the 
Fpring to the attack of this fortress, without exposing 



326 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

his troops to the hardsliips of a siege, undertaken in 
• the midst of the rigors of the winter. After having 
taken the advice of a council of war, he renounced the 
project of an attack, and early in November conducted 
his army back toward Montreal, leaving his advanced 
posts in Isle Aux Noix. But prior to his retreat, with 
the singular courtesy and humanity of his character, 
he sent to their homes the American officers who had 
fallen into his power, administering generously to all 
their wants. He exercised the same liberality toward 
the common soldiers. The greater part were almost 
naked ; he caused them to be completely clothed, and 
set them at liberty, after having taken their oath that 
they would not serve against the armies of the king. 
General Carleton was blamed for having taken winter- 
quarters ; this resolution was considered as a mark of 
weakness, and as highly prejudicial to the success of 
ulterior operations; since, if he had immediately made 
himself master of Ticonderoga, his troops, after having 
passed the winter in its vicinity, would have been able 
to enter the field early the following spring. It is 
probable, in efi'ect, that the war would, in that case, 
have had a very different result from what it actually 
had. But the conquest of a place so strong by nature 
and by art as Ticonderoga, depended on the resistance 
the Americans would have made ; and certainly their 
number, the valor they had displayed in the naval ac- 
tions, and the extreme confidence they had in their 
chiefs, all announced that their defense would have 
been long and obstinate. Nor should the considerations 
be omitted of the difficulty of subsistence, and of the 
communications with Canada. Be this as it may, the 



THE GKEEN-MOUNTAIN BOYS. 327 

retreat of the English general, and his inaction during 
the winter, had the most happy results for the Americans, 
The services of the regiment of Green-Mountaia 
Boys, and the aid furnished to the army at Ticonde- 
roga by the inhabitants of the ^ew-IIampshire Grants, 
have not been sufficiently commemorated by historians. 
Warner, with his brave regiment, was at Ticonderoga 
daring the whole campaign of 1776, and by his ac- 
tivity and energy, did much toward protecting that 
important post. The patriotic heroes of the Green 
Mountains were ever ready at the call of freedom and 
their country. Few in number, and without recog- 
nition as a separate province, they were without 
representatives in the congress, but they had ever been 
zealous champions of liberty. Six months before the 
commencement of the Revolution, when the rumor 
reached Bennington that the British had slain six men 
in Boston and seized a depot of powder, it was at 
once resolved that two thousand armed Green-Mountain 
Boys should march to the aid of the Bostonians when- 
ever hostilities should commence. And four weeks 
before the battle of Lexington, they sent assurances to 
New Hampshire and Massachusetts that they would 
"always be ready for aid and assistance to those 
states, if, by the dispensations of Providence, they 
should be called thereto." But the Massachusetts 
committee of safety anticipated a long and arduous 
struggle, and one week after the massacre at Lexing- 
ton, they thus wrote to the leading men at Benning- 
ton : "For heaven's sake, pay the closest attention to 
sowing and planting ; do as much of it as is possible, 
not for your own families merely. Do not think of 



328 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES 

coming down country to fight." That committee little 
anticipated how soon a small band of Green-Mountain 
Boys, armed only with muskets, and without a single 
bayonet among them, would attack the fortress of Ti- 
conderoga. On the 22d of May, 1775, at a public 
meeting of the inhabitants of Marlborough, (near old 
Fort Dummer,) the following pledges were unanimously 
made : "We will, each of us, at the expense of our 
lives and fortunes, to the last extremity, unite and 
oppose the late cruel, unjust and arbitrary acts of the 
British parliament. We will be contented and subject 
to the honorable continental congress in all things 
which they shall resolve for the peace, safety and wel- 
fare of the American colonies." 

In 1776, while Carleton, with superior forces, was 
attempting to drive the Americans from Lake Cham- 
plain, the inhabitants of the New-Uampshire Grants 
gave the most important assistance to the army at Ti- 
conderoga. While the troops in that fortress were ex- 
pecting to be immediately blockaded, they had pro- 
visions for only sixteen days, and there was no hope 
of receiving timely surcors from Albany. A call was 
made upon the committee at Bennington for assist- 
ance, and within an hour they purchased a thou- 
sand bushels of wheat, and returned word that they 
would send on the flour as fast as it could be manufac- 
tured. The committee, in their reply to General Gates, 
also said : " It is difficult to transport what we have al- 
ready on hand; for our mil'tia, even before we received 
your^etter, asking assistance, left us, almost to a man, 
n-iarched, and have doubtless joined you before this." 
And thus the Green-Mountain Boys hurried to tlte 



EVACUATION OF BOSTON. r>20 

defense of their country. Scattered through a moun- 
tainous country, it might have been thoi;ght difficult to 
collect the scanty population ; but the cry of invasion 
echoed from hill to hill, from village to village, and, 
leaving their herds and their fields, and hastily ex- 
changing a parting blessing with their wives and their 
mothers, the hardy mountaineers rushed to the battle. 

" From the gray sire, "whose trembling hand 

Could hardly buckle on his brand, 

To the raw boy, whose shaft and bow 

Were yet scarce tenor to the crow. 

Each valley, each sequestered glen, 

Mustered its little horde of men. 

That met. as torrents from the height. 

In highland dale their streams unite ; 

Still gathering, as they pour along:, 

A voice more loud, a tide more strong.'* 

A hasty glance at the transactions in other parts of 
the country will appropriately close the history of the 
campaign of 177(>. In March, General Washington 
executed a plan for driving the British from Boston, 
by seizing and fortifying Dorchester Heights, and thus 
getting command of the harbor and Bi-itish shipping. 
On the 17th, the British forces evacuated the town 
and sailed for Halifax. In June, General Clinton and 
Sir Peter Parker made an attack on Fort Moultrie, 
near Charleston, South Carolina ; but were repulsed 
with considerable loss. Congress, meanwhile, contin- 
ued in session, and on the 4th of July, adopted the 
memorable Declaration of Independence. It was receiv- 
ed with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm through- 
out the colonies. The royal authority had been every- 
where entirely subverted the year before : the Revolu- 
tion was now in a political sense completed ; but the 
war for its establishment was yet to be waged. 



330 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

Shortlj after {he evacuation of Boston by the Brit 
ish, General Washington removed to New York, mak- 
ing that city liis head-quarters. The American forces 
in and aix)und the city were about seventeen thousand, 
a part of whom were on Long Island, under command 
of Sullivan. In June following. General Howe, with 
the forces from Halifax, arrived near New York, and 
was shortly after joined by his brother, Admiral Lord 
Howe, with a reinforcement of troops, a strong naval 
force, and abundant military stores. The army under 
Howe now amounted to twenty-four thousand. He 
attacked and defeated the American army on Long 
Island. General Washington witnessed the defeat of 
his best troops w^ith indescribable anguish. With- 
drawing from New York, he gradually retreated before 
the British, adopting the policy of wearing ofit the 
enemy by keeping them in perpetual pursuit. Avoid- 
ing any general engagement, small parties were in- 
volved in skirmishes whenever it could be done with 
decided advantage. Pursued by the enemy, Wash- 
ington retreated slowly through New Jersey and across 
the Delaware into Pennsylvania. So hot was the pur- 
suit, that the rear of the American army was often in 
sight of the van of the enemy. Washington's forces 
W'ere reduced to three thousand men, and they were 
destitute of tents, blankets, and even utensils for cook- 
ing their provisions. This retreat through New Jersey 
was the darkest hour of the revolutionary struggle. 
On the same day that Washington was driven across 
the Delaware, the British took possession of Khode Isl- 
and. They already held New York and New Jersey. 
The army of Washington was continually diminishing 



CAPTURE OF THE HESSIANS. 331 

by the discbarge of the militia, whose term of service 
had expired. A general gloom and despondency himg 
over the whole country. ' But nothing could shake the 
constancy of Washington. Feeling the absolute ne- 
cessity of doing something to rouse the army and the 
country from the depression that was weighing down 
all minds, Washington recrossed the Delaware with a 
detachment of his army, surprised and took prisoners 
one thousand Hessians, with the loss of but nine men 
among his own troops. Soon after, evading by night 
the British, who were encamped at Trenton in tlie con- 
fident expectation of forcing him into a general en- 
gagement the next day, he marched upon Princeton, 
where a part of the British force had been left, routed 
and put to flight two regiments which he met on his 
way, and captured nearly tlje whole of another. These 
brilliant actions turned the tide. The British immedi- 
ately evacuated Trenton, and retreated to New Bruns- 
wick ; the inhabitants, eager to revenge the brutalities 
they had suffered, took courage, and the enemy were 
driven from every post in New Jersey, except. Amboy 
and New Brunswick ; and Washington went into se- 
cure winter quarters at Morristown. 

During the darkest period of this campaign, the 
American congress showed no sign of dismay. They 
adopted articles of confederation for a perpetual union 
of the states ; took measures for raising a new army, 
with a longer term of enlistment ; and solemnly pro- 
claimed that they would listen to no terms of peace 
short of independence. They sent commissioners to 
France to treat for their acknowledgment of their in- 
dependence, and for aid in their struggle. The cause 



3o2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HER0K8. 

of America wa8 popular at the French court ; counte- 
nance and assistance was at once, in various ways, 
secretly given. Many French officers became desirous 
of enlisting in the struggle, among whom was tho 
young Marquis de Lafayette, who arrived in season to 
take part in the Dext ca»nipaign. 

The principal object of the British, in the campaign 
of 1777, was to open a free communication between 
Canada and New York. The British ministry were 
sanguine in their hopes, that, the New-England states, 
wliich they considered as the soul of the confederacy, 
might be severed from the neighboring states, and 
compelled to submission. In prosecution of this design, 
an army of British and German troops, amounting to 
upward of seven thousand men, exclusive of artillery, 
was put under command of Lieutenant-general Bur- 
goyne,* an enterprising and able officer. The plan of 
operations consisted of two parts. General Burgoyne 
with the main body, was to advance by way of Lake 
Champlain, and force his way to Albany, or, at least, 
so far as to effect a junction with the royal army from 
New York ; and Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger, with 
about two hundred British, a regiment of New-Yoik 
loyalists, raised and commanded by Sir John Johnson, 

*John Burgoyne was an illegitimate son of Lord Bingley. He en- 
tered the army at an early age, and his early education, and the influence 
of his father, placed him in the line of promotion. He first served in Por- 
tugal and Spain. After his return to England, he became a privy coun- 
selor, and was elected to parliatnent. He came over to America in 1775, 
and was at Boston at the battle of Bunker Hill. He was sent to Can- 
ada the same year, but early in 1776 returned to England, and through 
the partiality of the king, was appointed to the command of the British 
iirmy in Canada. 



GENERAL BURGOTNE. 333 

*« J a large body of Indians, was to ascend the St, 
Lawrence to Lake Ontario, and from that quarter to 
penetrate toward Albany, by the way of the Mohawk 
river. 

Tlie main army, under General Burgoyne, embarked 
at St. John's, and proceeded up Lake Champlain 
without any interruption ; and soon arrived and en- 
camped at the river Boquet, on the west side of the 
lake, and a little to the northward of Crown Point, 
at the place now called Willsborough. Tliere the 
Indians had also assembled, and General Burgoyne, 
in conformity to their customs, gave them a war-feast. 
He made a speech, addressed to their chiefs and war- 
riors, designed to excite their savage ardor in tlie 
British cause, and to give a direction to their cruelty 
and barbarity. lie urged them to impetuosity in bat- 
tle, but enjoined them not to kill any but those who 
were opposed to them in arms ; that old men, women, 
children and prisoners, should be spared from the 
knife and hatchet, even in the midst of action ; and 
they should only scalp those who were killed by their 
fire in fair opposition ; but that, under no pretense 
•whatever, should they scalp the wounded, or even dy- 
ing, and much less kill any in that condition. A hand- 
some compensation was promised, for all prisoners 
they should bring in ; but if, instead of this, they 
brought in their scalps, they were to be called to ac- 
count. The British general could not be so unac- 
quainted with the established customs and habits of 
the Indians, as to expect that an elegant speecli would 
have any considerable eft'ect upon them ; still, it might 
be useful to the British, as it bore the a}>pearance of 



334 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

humanity, and niiijjht tend to abate the reproaches 
with whicii their conduct was loaded in every part of 
Europe, for calling forth the savage barbarities at all 
into the contest. 

The command of the Americans in the northern de- 
partment, had been assigned to Major-general Schuy- 
ler."'^ It was foreseen that the contest would be carried 
on in the northern and western parts of the state of 
New York ; and it was supposed that he was the only 
man who would have influence enough to keep the 
inhabitants, in those parts of the state, united against 
the enemy. Four days before Burgoyne made his 
speech to the Indians, Schuyler arrived at Ticonde- 
roga, but did not find either the garrison or the works 
in so respectable a condition as he expected. Most of 
the recruits which had been ordered to the place, had 
not arrived ; but little had been done to repair or 
strengthen the fortifications ; and General St. Clair,f 
who had commanded, had not, and did not dare to 

* Philip Schuyler wiis born at Albany, in 173L Ho served as an offi- 
cer in tlie French war. W^lien quite young, he became a raeinber of the 
I^ew-York lej^islature, and was ernint nt for his intelligence and influ- 
ence. To him and to Governor Cliiton it was chiefly owing that the 
province made an early and decided resistance to those measures which 
terminated in the independence of the colonies. In 1775 he was ap- 
poijited a ni!ij«ir-general, and wiis directed to proceed inmiediately from 
New York to Ticonderoga, to secure the lakes and to make preparations 
for entering Canada, Being taken sick, the command devolved on Mont- 
gomery. On his recovery, he devoted himself zealously to the m^age- 
mentof the affairs of the northern department 

* Arthur St. Clair was a soldier from his youth. At an early age, while 
the ijidependent states were yet British colonies, he entered the royal 
Atnoncan army, and was commissioned as an ensign. He was actively 
engaged, during t])e Frtnich war, in the aruiy of general Wolfe, aud was 



bubgotne's pkoclamation. 235 

call in large numbers of the militia, for fear his pro- 
visions should fail before the arrival of a supply. 
Having inspected the works, Schuyler left the command 
with St. Clair, and returned to Fort Edward, as a 
more central situation. 

On the 4th of July, Burgoyne issued a proclamation, 
designed to spread terror among the Americans, and 
aiffright those who were active in the support of their 
cause. The number, power, and cruelty of the Indi- 
ans, was represented as extremely formidable and 
threatening ; and their eagerness to be let loose on 
their prey, was described with uncommon energy. 
The accumulation of British power, which w^as now 
displayed by land and by sea, was declared to be 
ready to embrace or to crush every part of America. 
The rebellion in the colonies, and the conduct of 
tlieir present rulers, were painted in the most dis- 
gusting and awful colors ; and their leaders were 
charged with repeated acts of the most unparalleled 

carrying a pair of colore, in the battle in which that celebrated com- 
mancJRr was slain, on the Plains of Abraham. Ke was highly esteenuod 
by the distinguished commanders under whom he served, as a young 
officer of merit, capable of obtaining a high giade of military reputation. 
After the peace of '63, he sold out and entered into trade, for which the 
generosity of his nature utterly disqualified him ; he, of course, soon 
became disgusted with a profitless pursuit, and having married, after sev- 
eral vicissitudes of fortime, he located himself in Ligonier valley, west 
of the Alleghany mountains, and near the old route from Philadel- 
phia In this situation the American Revolution found him, surrounded 
by a rising family, in ihe enj(tyment of ease and independence, with the 
fairest prospects of affluent fortiine, the foundation of which had been 
already established by his intelligence, industry and enterprise. From 
this peaceful abode, these sweet domestic enjoyments, and the flatterlBi^ 
prospects which accompanied them, he was drawn by the claims of ft 
troubled osuntiv. 

15 



S3 6 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOEfi. 

injustice, persecution and tyranny! Encouragement 
and employment were offered to those who should 
assist the British king in redeeming the colonies from 
the oppressions of congress, and restoring them to the 
blessings of British liberty and government ! Protec- 
tion and security, but not very explicitly expressed, 
were held out to the peaceable and industrious, who 
should remain in their habitations. And all the ca- 
lamities and horrors of war were denounced to those 
who should any longer dare to persevere in their hos- 
tility to the British king and army. Nothing had ever 
appeared in America, in a style so pompous, tumid 
and bombastic. Instead of producing the desired 
effect, and frightening the people into submission, the 
proclamation was everywhere the subject of derision 
and ridicule ; and treated as the production of osten- 
tatious vanity, insolence and folly, not at all calculated 
to operate on the hopes or the fears of the people of 
the United States. 

Having finished his speeches and proclamations, the 
British general employed himself in more formidable 
operations. After a short stay at Crown Point, Bur- 
goyne moved on with his army to Ticonderoga. The 
. state of the American fort and garrison at that place 
did not promise a very long or vigorous defense. The 
old French lines had indeed been strengthened with 
additional works and a block-house. On the east- 
ern shore of the lake, and opposite to Ticonderoga, 
the Americans had taken still more pains in fortif)'ing 
a high circular hill, to which they had given the name 
of Mount Independence. On the summit of this hill 
they had erected a star fort, enclosing a large square 



ARMY AT TICONDEROGa. 337 

of barracks, well fortified and surrounded with artillery. 
These two posts were joined by a bridge thrown across 
the lake. This bridge was supported by twenty-two 
piers of very large timber, placed at equal distances ; 
the spaces between these were filled with separate 
floats, each about fifty feet long, and twelve wide, 
strongly fastened together with chains and rivets. The 
north side of the bridge was defended by a boom of 
very large pieces of timber, fastened together by riv- 
eted holts and double chains, made of iron an inch and 
a half square. 

But notwithstanding the apparent strength of Ticon- 
deroga, it was effectually overlooked and commanded 
by a neighboring eminence called Sugar Hill, or Mount 
Defiance. • Tliis mountain, by its height and proximity, 
had such an entire command both of Ticonderoga 
and Mount Independence, that an enemy might from 
thence have counted the numbers, and enfiladed every 
part of the works, in either of those places. This cir- 
cumstance was well known to the American officers, 
and they had a consultation about fortifying the moun- 
tain ; but it was declined, because their works were 
already so extensive, that, with the addition of what 
would be proper on Sugar Hill, they would require ten 
or twelve thousand men for their defense — a greater 
number than could be spared for that purpose. In 
Btead of a full complement of troops to man the 
extensive lines and defend the numerous works, 
the whole force which St. Clair had, consisted only 
of two thousand five hundred continental troops, 
aided by nine hundred militia, badly equipped, worse 
armed, and most of them without bayonets. St 



S3 8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

Clair was in hopes that Burgojne's impetuos/ty 
would have led him to make a sudden assault upon 
the place, which he expected to repel with success ; 
but as soon as he was informed of the numbers 
in his army, and that a regular siege was intended, 
he was convinced that an efiectual defense could 
Jiot be made by his troops. 

The royal army advanced with great celerity, but 
with much caution and order, on both sides of the 
lake, the naval force keeping its station in the center. 
On the near approach of the right wing of the British 
army on the Ticonderoga side, on the 2d of July, the 
Americans abandoned and set fire to their works, block- 
houses and saw mills, toward Lake George ; and with 
out making any opposition, permitted General Phillips 
to take possession of Mount Hope. This post com- 
manded the American lines in a great degree, and cut 
off their communication with Lake George. The Amer- 
icans, on this occasion, were charged with supineness 
and want of vigor. Their inactivity arose not from 
want of courage, but from lack of men enough to make 
an effectual opposition to the powerful force with 
which they were surrounded. 

In the mean time the royal army proceeded with 
such expedition in the construction of their works, the 
bringing up of artillery, stores, and provisions, and 
the establishment of posts and communications, that 
by the fifth, matters were so far advanced as to require 
but one or two days more to completely invest the 
posts on both sides of the lake. Sugar Hill had alsc 
been examined, and the advantages which it presented 
were so important that it had been resolved to 



EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA. 339 

take possession, and erect a battery there. This 
work, though attended with extreme labor and difii- 
culty, had been carried on by General Philli2)s, with 
much expedition and success. A road had been 
made through a very rough ground, to tlie top of 
the mountain ; and the British were at work in con- 
structing a level for a battery, and transporting theii 
artillery. As soon as this battery should be ready to 
play, the American works would have been completely 
invested on every side. 

In these circumstances a council of war was called 
by St. Clair. He was convinced that it was absolutely 
necessary to evacuate the place. The council were in- 
formed that their whole etfective number was not suffi- 
cient to man one half uf the works ; that as the whole 
must be constantly upon duty, it would be impossible 
for them to support the fatigue for any considerable 
length of time ; that General Schuyler, who was at 
Fort Edward, had not sufficient force to relieve the 
garrison ; and that as the enemy's batteries were 
nearly ready to open, and the place would be com- 
pletely invested in twenty-four hours, nothing could 
save the troops but an immediate evacuation of the 
posts. The general's representation was admitted to 
be correct, and it was unanimous!}^ agreed by the coun- 
cil to abandon the fortress that night. It wils proposed 
tb'it the baggage of the army, with such artillery, 
stores and provisions as the necessity of the occasion 
would admit, should be embarked with a strong: de- 
tachment, on board two hundred bateaux, and dis- 
patched under convoy of five armed galleys, up the 
south river to Skenesborough; and that the main body 



340 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

of the army slionld proceed by land^ taking its rout(> 
on the road to Castleton, which was about thirty miles 
to the south of Ticonderoga, and join the boats and 
galleys' at Skenesborough falls. It was thought neces- 
sary to keep the matter a secret, till the time should 
arrive when it was to be executed. The English had 
no suspicion of what was passing, and the march com- 
menced under the most favorable auspices. But all at 
once a house which took fire on Mount Independence, 
roused b}^ its glare of light the attention of the English, 
who immediately perceived all that had taken place. 
The Americans finding themselves discovered, marched 
hastily, and in some disorder, as far as Hubbardton. 
where they halted to refresh themselves and rally 
the dispersed. But the English w^ere not idle. Gen- 
eral Frazer, at the head of a strong detachment of gren- 
adiers and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit 
by land, upon the right bank of Wood Creek. Gen- 
eral Reidesel, behind him, rapidly advanced with his 
Bruns wickers, either to support the English, or to act 
separately, as occasion might require. General Bur- 
goyne determined to pursue the Americans by water. 
But it was first necessary to destroy the boom and 
bridge which had been constructed in front of Ticon- 
deroga. The British seamen and artificers immediately 
engaged in the operation, and in a short time, those 
works, which had cost so much labor and so vast an 
outlay, were cut through and demolished. The pas- 
sage thus cleared, the ships of Burgoyne immediately 
proceeded with extreme rapidity in search of the 
Americans ; all was in movement at once upon land 
and water. By three in the afternoon, the van 



KETREAT OF THE AMERICAITS. 341 

of the British squadron, composed of gun-boats, came 
up witli and attacked the American galleys, near 
Skenesborough. In the mean time, three regiments, 
which had been landed at South Bay, ascended and 
passed a mountain with great expedition, in order to 
cut off a retreat to Fort Anne. But the Americans elu- 
ded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight. The Brit- 
ish frigates having joined the van, the galleys, already 
bard pressed by the gun-boats, were completely over- 
powered. Two of them surrendered; three were blown 
up. The Americans now despaired ; having set tire 
to their works, mills, and bateaux, and otherwise de- 
stroyed what they were unable to burn, they escaped as 
well as they could, without halting till they reached 
Fort Anne. Their loss was considerable, for the ba- 
teaux they burnt were loaded with baggage, provisions 
and munitions, as necessary to their sustenance as to 
military operations. The corps which had set out by 
iand were in no better situation. The vanpfuard, con- 
ducted by St. Clair, had arrived at Castleton ; the 
rear, commanded by Colonels Francis and Warner, 
had rested the night of the sixth, at Hubbardton, six 
miles below Castleton. 

At Hubbardton, the advanced corps of the British 
army overtook the rear of the American troops, on 
the morning of the 7th of July. The American army, 
all but part of three regiments, were gone forward ; 
these were part of Hale's, Francis' and Warner's re^-i- 
nients. The enemy attacked them with superior num- 
bers, and tne higliest prospect of success. Francis and 
Warner opposed them with great spirit and vjo-oi- • 
^nd no officers or troops could have discovered more 



342 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEK05S. 

courage and firmness than thej displayed through the 
whole action. Laro^e reinforcements of the enemy ar- 
riving, it became impossible to make any effectual 
opposition. Francis fell in a most honorable discharge 
of his duty. Hale surrendered with his regiment. 
Surrounded on every side by the enemy, but calm and 
undaunted. Colonel Warner fought his way through 
all opposition, brought off the troops that refused to 
capitulate with Hale, checked the enemy in their pur- 
suit, and contrary to all expectations, arrived safe with 
his troops at Manchester. To tlie northward of that 
town the whole country was deserted. The colonel 
determined to make a stand at that place ; encourao;ed 
by his example and firmness, a body of the militia 
soon joined him ; and he was once more in a situation 
to protect the inhabitants, harass the enemy, and 
break up their advanced parties. 

The loss of the royal troops in dead and wounded 
amounted to about one hundred and eighty. General 
St. Clair, upon intelligence of this discomfiture, and 
that of the disaster at Skenesborough, which was 
brought him at the same time by an officer of one of 
the galleys, appreliending that he should be inter- 
rupted if he proceeded toward Fort Anne, struck into 
the woods on the left, uncertain whether he should 
repair to Massachusetts, or endeavor to reach tlie 
army at Fort Edward. But being joined two days 
after, at Manchester, by the remains of the corps 
of Colonel Warner, and having collected the fugitives, 
he proceeded to Fort Edward, in order to unite with 
General Schuyler. 

While these events were passing on the left, the 



BATTLE AT FORT ANNE. 343 

English generals resolved to drive the Americans from 
Fort Anne, situated higher up toward the sources of 
Wood Creek. Colonel llill was detached for this pur- 
pose from Skenesborough; and to facilitate his opera- 
tions, the greatest exertions were made in carrying 
bateaux over the falls at that place, which enabled 
him to attack the fort by water. Upon intelligence 
that the Americans had a numerous garrison there, 
Brigadier Powell was sent with two regiments to 
the succor of Colonel Hill. The American Colonel 
Long, who, with a great part of his corps, had escaped 
the destruction of the boats at the falls, commanded 
the garrison of Fort Anne. Having heard that the 
enemy was approaching, he gallantly sallied out to re- 
ceive him. The English defended themselves with 
courage, but the Americans had already nearly sur- 
rounded them. Colonel Hill, finding himself too hard 
pressed, endeavored to take a stronger position. This 
movement was executed with as much order as intre- 
pidity, amidst the reiterated and furious charge of the 
Americans. The combat had lasted for more than two 
hours, and victory was still doubtful, when all at once 
the Americans heard the horrible yells of the sav- 
ages, who approached, and being informed at the 
same instant that the corps of Powell was about to 
fall upon them, they retired to Fort Anne. Not think- 
ing themselves in safety even there, they set it on fire, 
and withdrew to Fort Edward, on the river Hudson. 

General Schuyler was already in this place, and 
St. Clair arrived there on the tw^el th,with the remains 
of the garrison of Ticonderoga. It would be difficult 
t.o de«cribe the harduhips and misery which these troops 



544 ETHAN ALT.EN AWO GREEN-MOUN'i'ATN HEROES. 

had siift'ered, from the badness of the weather and the 
want of covering and provisions, in their circuitous 
march throu£:ch the woods, from Castleton to Fort Ed- 
ward. After the arrival of these troops, and of the 
fugitives, who came in by companies, all the American 
troops amounted to little over four thousand men, in- 
cluding the militia. They were in want of all neces- 
saries, and even of courage, from the effect of their re- 
cent reverses. The Americans lost, in these different 
actions, no less than one hundred and twenty-eight 
pieces of artillery, with a prodigious quantity of war- 
like stores, baggage and provisions, particularly of 
flour, which they left in Ticonderoga and Mount In 
dependence. To increase the calamity, the whole of 
the neighboring country was struck with terror by this 
torrent of disasters. 

During the reverses of the American army, and tne 
triumphant progress of Burgoyne, the consternation of 
the people in northern New York and on the New- 
Hampshire Grants, was greatly increased by the nu- 
merous murders and cruelties of Burgoyne's Indian 
allies — for the efforts of that general to dissuade them 
from the perpetration of their cruel enormities were 
ineffectual. Kestrain them lie could not ; and it was 
admitted by the British writers of that day, that the 
friends of the roval cause, as well as its enemies, were 
equally victims to their indiscriminate rage. It was 
even ascertained that the British officers were deceived 
by their treacherous allies into the purchase of the 
scalps of their own comrades. Among other instances 
of cruelty, the well-known murder of Miss Jane 
M'Crea, which happened in the early part of the 



JENNY m'crea. 345 

campaign, filled the public mind with horror. Every cir- 
cumstance of this unnatural and bloody transaction, 
around which ther6 lingers a melancholy interest to 
this day, served to heighten alike its interest and its 
enormity.* Many have been the versions of this bloody 
tale. General Gates, who had been most unjustly di- 
rected to supersede General Schuyler in the north eria 
department, assailed General Burgoyne with great 

• The tragic fate of Miss M'Crea forms a prominent feature in the 
brilliant tale, entitled, "The Rangers," by the novelist of the Green 
Mountains, Hon. Daniel P. Thompson. The facta in regai-d to her mur- 
der, stripped of their romance, are these : — She belonged to a family of 
tories, and had engaged herself in marriage to a young refugee, named 
Jones, a lieutenant in the British service, who was advancing with Bur- 
goyne. When the people fled before the victorious Briton, she remained 
behind with some friends, in the expectation of meeting her lover. A 
party of Indians in advance of the army, seeking for plunder, took her 
a prisoner and retired toward the British camp. When they reached 
the aimy, Miss M'Crea was not with them, but they bore a scalp which 
was recognized to be hei"8. Whether they quarreled about the division 
of the reward they were accustomed to receive for their prisoner, or 
whether, as they aveired, she was shot by a party of Americans in pur- 
Buit of them, cannot now be known. Her mutilated corpse was after- 
ward found under a pine tree near a spring, and the tree a-nd spring 
were afteiward known by l.er name. It was known in the camp, that 
Lieutenant Jones was botrjthed to Jenny, and the story got abroad that 
he had sent the Indians for her ; that they had quarreled with another 
party, which they met on their return, respecting the reward he had 
offered, and murdered her to settle the dispute. Receiving high touches 
of coloring, as it went from one narrator to another, the sad stoiy pro- 
duced a deep and wide-spread indignation. Jones, chilled with horror 
and broken in spirit by the event, tendered a resignation of his commis- 
sion, but it was refused. He purchased the scalp of his Jenny, and with 
this cherished memento, deserted and retired to Canada. There he 
lived to be an old man, and died only a few years ago. The death of 
Jenny was a heavy blow, and he never recovered from it. In youth he 
was exceedingly gay and gaiTulous ; but after that melancholy event, lui 



346 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

violence npon the subject of these outrages — charging 
him with encouraging the murder of prisoners, and the 
massacre of women and children, bj paying the In- 
dians a stipulated price for scalps. Burgoyne indig- 
nantly denied the charge of encouraging the Indians, 
although he could not but admit tlie horrible extent of 
their barbarities among unarmed and inoffensive in- 
habitants. "I would not," he said in reply to General 
Gates, "be conscious of the acts you presume to im- 
pute to me, for the whole continent of America, though 
the wealth of worlds was in its bowels, and a paradise 
upon its surface." 

The retreat of the American army from Ticonderoga, 
on the approach of Burgoyne, while it filled the public 
mind with dismay, as the surrender of a position on 
which the safety of the north depended, was regarded 
with gloomy apprehension, as the prelude to further 
reverses. The mind of Washington, however, by a 
happy forecast, perceived a gleam of hope, even in this 
hour of despondency ; and with a sort of prophetic 
skill, seems to have foretold, with extraordinary pre- 
cision, the auspicious change of afiairs which was ii 
store. In reply to a letter of General Schuyler, of the 
17th of July, communicating tlie unfavorable state and 
prospects of the army, he says: "Though our affairs 
have, for some days past, worn a gloomy aspect, yet I 
look forward to a happy change. I trust General 

was sad and tacitnm. He never manned, and shunned society as much 
as business would permit Toward the close of July in every year, 
when the anniversary of the tragedy approached, he would shut himself 
in his room, and refuse to speak with any one. His friends avoided any 
reference to the Rovolutioo in his p-escnce. [See page 428 ] 



bukgoyne's army. 347 

Burgoyne's army will meet, sooner or later, an effectual 
check ; and, as I suggested before, that the success he 
has had will precipitate his ruin. From your accounts, 
he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct, which, 
of all others, is most favorable to us, I mean acting in 
detachment. This conduct will certainly give room for 
enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great 
hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of thepi 
off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hund- 
red men, it would inspire the people and do away much 
af their present anxiety. In such an event they would 
lose sight of past misfortune, and, urged at the same 
time by a regard for their own security, they would fly 
to arms and afford every aid in their power." 

It must be confessed that it required no ordinary 
share of fortitude to find topics of consolation in the 
present state of affairs. The British were advancing 
with a well-appointed army into the heart of the coun- 
try, under the conduct, as it was supposed, of the most 
skillful officers, confident of success, and selected to 
finish the war. The army consisted in part of German 
troops, veterans of the Seven Years' War, under the 
command of a general of experience, conduct, and 
valor. Nothing could have been more ample than the 
military supplies, the artillery, munitions, and stores, 
with whicL the army was provided. A considerable 
force of Canadians and American loyalists furnished 
the requisite spies, scouts, and rangers ; and a numer- 
ous force of savages in their "war-dresses, with their 
peculiar weapons and native ferocity, increased the 
terrors of its approach. 

oh the evacuation of Ticonderoga, and the furthei 



348 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

advance of such an army, the ISTew-EngLind states, and 
particularly New Hampshire and Massachusetts, were 
filled with alarm. It was felt that their frontier was 
uncovered, and that strenuous and extraordinary efforts 
for the protection of the country were required. The 
committee of safety of what was then called the Tsew- 
ilampshire Grants, (the present state of Vermont,) 
wrote in the most pressing terms to the New-Hamp- 
shire committee of safety at Exeter, apprising them, 
that, if assistance should not be sent to them, they 
should be forced to abandon the country, and take ref- 
uge east of the Connecticut river. When these tidings 
reached Exeter, the assembly had finished their spring 
session and had gone home. A summons from the 
committee brought them together again, and in three 
days they took the most effectual and decisive steps for 
the defense of the country. Among the patriotic mem- 
bers of the assembly, w^io signalized themselves on 
this occasion, none was more conspicuous than John 
Langdon. The members of that body were greatly 
inclined to despond ; the public credit w^as exhausted ; 
and there were no means of supporting troops, if they 
could be raised. Meantime the defenses of the frontier 
had fallen, and the enemy, with overwhelming forces, 
was penetrating into the country. At this gloomy 
juncture, John Langdon, a merchant of Portsmouth, 
and speaker of the assembly, thus addressed its mem- 
bers : — "I have three thousand dollars in hard money ; 
I will pledge my plate for three thousand more ; I have 
seventy hogsheads of Tobago rum, which shall be sold 
for the most it will bring. These are at tl e service of 
the state. If we succeed in defending our fire-sides 



GENERAL STARK. o4y 

and homes, I may be remnnerated ; if we do not, the 
property will be of no value to me. Our old friend 
Stark, who so nobly maintained the honor of our state 
at Bunker Hill, may be safely intrusted with the con- 
duct of the enterprise, and we will check the progress 
of Burgoyne." 

This proposal infused life into the measures of the 
assembly. They formed the whole militia of the state 
into two brigades. Of the first they gave the command 
to William Whipple, of the second to Jolm Stark.* 

* The exploits of Stark in the vicinity of Lake Champlain, in the last 
French war, have already been mentioned in these pfiges. At the close 
of the peace of 17G3, he had returned to his farm in New Hampshire, 
where he resided until the opening of the Revolution. When the report 
of the battle of Lexington reached him, he was engaged ai work in his 
saw-mill: fired with indignation and a martial spirit, he immediately 
seized his musket, and with a band of heroes proceeded to Cambridge. 
The morning after his arrival, he received a colonel's commission, and 
availing himself of his own popularity and the enthusiasn) of the day, 
in two hours he enlisted eight hundred men. On the memorable 17th 
of June, at Breed's hill, Coloriel Stark, at the head of his backwoodsmen 
of New Hampshire, poured on the enemy that deadly fire from '■a suro 
aim, which effected such remarkable destruction in their ranks, and com- 
pelled them twice to retreat. During the whole of this dreadful conflict, 
Colonel Stark evinced that consummate bravery and intrepid zeal, which 
•ntitle his name to perpetual remembrance. After the British evacuated 
Boston, Stark joined our northern army while retreating from Canada, 
\nd in 1776, he had command of the troops employed in fortifying the 
hill on the east side of Lake Champlain, opposite Ticonderoga. On the 
6th of July, the Declaration of Independence was received and proclaimed 
to the ai my, who hailed it with shouts of applause. The hill upon which 
the regiment of Stark was stationed, was named Mount Independence 
in honf>rof the event which had just been proclaimed. Soon after, Stark 
joined General Washington, and was with him during that dark period 
when he flrd before a haughty army through New Jei-sey. In the spring 
of 1777, he returned to New Hampshire on a recruiting expeditioiL 



350 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

They ordered one fourth part of Stark's brigade and one 
fourth of three regiments of Whipple's to march imme- 
diately under the command of Stark, " to stop the 
progress of the enemy on our western frontiers." 

Agreeably to his orders, Stark proceeded to Charles- 
ton ; his men very readily followed ; and as fast as 
they arrived, he sent them forward to join the troops 
under Colonel Warner, at Manchester. At that placo 
he joined Warner with about eight hundred men. 
Schuyler repeatedly urged Stark to join the troops 
under his command ; but he declined complying. He 
was led to this conduct not only by the reasons which 
have been mentioned, but by a difference of opinion 
as to the best method of opposing Burgoyne. Schuyler 
wished to collect all the American troops in the front, 
to prevent 'Burgoyne from marching on to Albany. 
Stark was of opinion that the surest way to check 
Burgoyne was to have a body of men on his rear, 
ready J:o fall upon him in that quarter, whenever a 
favorable opportunity should be presented. The New- 
England militia had not formed a high opinion of 

Having filled his regiment, and -while waiting orders, he learned that 
several junior officers had been promoted by congress, while he was left 
out of the list Feeling greatly aggrieved, he resigned his comraissiou 
and left the army, not, however, to desert his country in the hour of perils 
for, like General Schuyler, he w^as active for good while dive'-ted of nnl~ 
itary authority. He was very popular, and the assembly of New Hamp- 
shire regarded him as a pillar of strength in upholding tlje confidence 
and courage of the militia of the state. When that body offered him the 
command of the new recruits, laying aside his private griefs, he once 
more hastened to the field, stipulating, however, that he should not be 
obliged to join the main army, but hang upon the wing of the enemy, 
strike when opportunity should offer, according to his own discretion, 
and be accountable to no one but the assembly of New Hampshire. 



ADVANCE OF BUR 30 YNE. 351 

Schuyler as a general ; and Stark meant to keep him- 
self in a situation in which he might embrace any 
favorable opportunity for action, either in conjunction 
with him, or otherwise ; Stark assured Schuyler that 
he would yield to any measure necessary to promote 
the public good, but wished to avoid a course that was 
not consistent with his own honor ; and if it was 
thought necessary, he would march to his camp. He 
wrote particularly, that he would lay aside all private 
resentment, when it appeared in opposition to the 
public good. But in the midst of these protestations, 
he was watching for an opportunity to evince his 
courage and patriotism, by falling upon some part of 
Bnirgoyne's army. 

While the American army was thus assuming a more 
respectable appearance. General Burgoyne was making 
very slow advances toward Albany. From the 28th 
of July, to the 15th of August, the British army was 
continually employed in bringing forward bateaux, 
provisions, and ammunition from Fort George to the 
nearest navigable part of Hudson river ; a distance of 
not more tlian eighteen miles. The labor was excessive; 
the Europeans were but little acquainted with the 
methods of performing it to advantage, and the effect 
was in no degree equivalent to the expense of labor and 
time. With all the efforts that Burgoyne could make, 
encumbered with his artillery and baggage, his labors 
were inadequate to the purpose of supplying the army 
with provisions for its daily consumption, and the es 
tablishment of the necessary magazines. And after 
his utmost exertions for fifteen days, there were not 
above four days' provisions in store, nor above ten 



352 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

bateaux in the Hudson river. More effective measures 
to replenish his stores seemed necessary. Informed 
that the Americans had a large quantity of these, and 
of cattle and horses at Bennington and in the vicinity, 
he resolved to send a detachment of his army thither 
to capture them. Both Philips and Keidesel, the most 
experienced of his generals, were opposed to the meas- 
ure ; but Burgoyne, actuated by an overweening con- 
fidence in his strength, and deceived as to the extent 
of the royalist party in the colonies, dispatched 
Lieutenant-colonel Baum thither with five hundred 
Hessians, Canadians and tories, and one hundred 
Indians. Burgoyne's instructions to the commander 
of the expedition, dated August 9th, 1777, declared 
the objects to be to try the affections of the country, 
to disconcert the councils of the enemy, to m.ount 
KeidesePs dragoons, to complete Peters' con-s [of ley- 
alists,] and to obtain large supplies of cattle, horses and 
carriages. Baum was directed ''to scour the country 
from Kockingham to Otter creek," to go down Con 
necticut river as tar as Brattleborough, and to return 
by the great road to Albany, there to meet General 
Burgoyne, and to endeavor to make the country believe 
his corps was the advanced body of the general's army, 
who was to cross Connecticut river, and proceed to 
Boston. He ordered " that all ofiicers, civil and mili- 
tary, acting under the congress, should be made pris- 
oners." Baum was also instructed " to tax the towns 
where they halted with such articles as they wanted, 
and take hostages for the performance, &c. ; to bring 
. all horses fit to mount the dragoons lo serve as battalion 
horses for the troops, with as many saddles and bridles 



SKIRMISHING. OJ. 



as could be found." Burgoyne stipulated the u umber 
of horses to be brought at thirteen hundred at least, 
and more if they could be obtained, and directed them 
to be "tied in strings of ten each, in order that one 
man might lead ten horses." 

On the 13th of August, information reached General 
Stark, that a party of Indians attached to Baum's force 
had been perceived at Cambridge, about twelve miles 
north-west from Bennington. He immediately de- 
tached Lieutenant-colonel Gregg with two hundred 
men, to stop their march. In the course of the night, 
he was advised by express, that a large body of the 
enemy, with a train of artillery, was in the rear of the 
Indians, in full march for Bennington. He immedi- 
ately rallied his brigade, with all the mihtia which had 
collected at Bennington. Orders were at the same 
time dispatched to the officer in command of Colonel 
Warner's regiment at Manchester, to march that body 
of men down to Bennington, and an animated call 
was made upon all the neighboring militia. These 
various dispositions were carried promptly into effect. 

On the morning of the 14th, Stark moved forward 
to the support of Colonel Gregg with the entire force 
under his command. At the distance of four or five 
miles, he met the colonel in full retreat, and the enemy 
within a mile of him. Stark instantly halted, and 
drew up his men in order of battle. The en-emy, per- 
ceiving that he had taken a stand, immediately came 
to a halt on very advantageous ground, and there in- 
trenched themselves. Unable to draw them from their 
position, he fell back for a mile, leaving only a small 
party to skirmish with the enemy. This was done 



354 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTATN HEROES. 

with considerable effect. Thirty of their force, wjth 
two Indian chiefs, were killed or wounded, without 
any loss on the American side. 

The following day, the loth, was rainy, and nothing 
was attempted beyond skirmishing with the enemy. 
This was done* with spirit, and the Indians began to 
desert the army of Colonel Baum, " because," as they 
said, "the woods were filled with Yankees." This res- 
pite enabled the enemy to complete their breastworks, 
to apprise General Burgoyne of their situation, and to 
ask for reinforcements. Colonel Breyman, with an 
additional body of German troops, was immediately 
detached to the assistance of Baum. 

During the night, Colonel Symonds, with a body o 
Berkshire militia, arrived. Among tliem was the Kev. 
Mr. Allen, of Pittsfield, whose bellicose ardor was of 
the most glowing kind. Before daylight, and while 
the rain was yet falling, the impatient shepherd, who 
had many of his flock with him, went to Stark, and 
said, "General, the people of Berkshire have often 
been summoned to the field without being allowed to 
fight, and, if you do not now give them a chance, they 
have resolved never to come out again." " Well," said 
Stark, " do you wish to march now, while it is dark 
and raining?" "No, not just this moment," replied 
the minister of peace. "Then," said the general, "if 
the Lord shall once more give us sunshine, and I do 
not give you fighting enough, I'll never ask you to 
come out again." Sunshine did indeed come with the 
morrow, for at the opening of the dawn, the clouds 
broke away, and soon all nature lay smiling in the 
sunlight of a clear August morning; and "fighting 



THE waklikp: parson. S55 

enough" was also given to the parson and hio men, for 
it was a day of fierce conflict. Mr. Allen was not the 
man to shrink from that bloody affray. He had ar- 
dently espoused the cause of freedom, and when, in 
anticipation of a battle at Bennington, the neighboring 
country was roused to arms, he used his influence to 
increase the band of patriots, and urged his congrega- 
tion to hasten to the service of their country. But 
the company which was raised in his parish were, from 
some cause, retarded in their progress. Hearing of 
the delay, he proceeded inmiediately to join them, and 
accompanied them to Bennington. On the morning 
of the battle, his men would not prepare for the en- 
gagement until he had prayed to the God of armies 
" to teach their hands to war and their fingers to fight." 
When the opposing forces were about advancing 
toward each other, Mr. Allen, insensible to fear, pro- 
ceeded so near to the British troops, that he could be 
distinctly seen and heard, and then called upon the 
enemy to prevent the eftusion of blood by laying down 
their arms ! He was answered by a discharge of mus- 
ketry, and the log upon which he stood was pierced 
with bullets. Turning calmly to a ftiend who had fol- 
lowed him under cover of the breastwork formed by 
the log, he said, "]N^ow give me a gun ! " and he delib- 
erately fired the first gun from the American ranks on 
that memorable occasion. 

On the morning of the 16th, Stark made prepara- 
tions for an attack. The German mercenaries, with 
their battery, were advantageofisly posted upon a rising 
ground at a bend in the Walloomscoick (a branch of the 
Hoosac) on its north bank. The ground fell off to the 



356 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

north and west, a circiDnstance of which Stark skillfully 
took advantage. Peters' corps of tories were in- 
trenched on the other side of the stream, in lower 
ground, and nearly in front of the German battery. 
The little river that meanders through the scene of the 
action, is fordable in all places. Stark was encamped 
upon the same side of it as the Germans, but, owing 
to its serpentine course, it crossed his line of march 
twice on his way to their position. Their post was 
carefully reconnoitered at a mile's distance,* and the 
plan of attack was arranged in the following manner : 
Colonel Nichols, with two hundred men, was detached 
to attack the rear of the enemy's left, and Colonel ller- 
rick, with three hundred men, to fall upon the rear of 
their right, with orders to form a junctioa before they 
made the assault. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney 
were also ordered to advance with two hundred men 
on their right and one hundred in front, to divert their 
attention from the real point of attack. The action 
commenced at three o'clock in the afternoon on the rear 
of the enemy's left, when Colonel Nichols, with great 
precision, carried into effect the dispositions of the 
commander. His example was followed by every other 
portion of the little army. General Stark himself 
moved forward slowly in front, till he neard the sound 
of the guns from Colonel Nichols' party, when he 

* Before the coTnmenceinent of the battle, Stark rode forward with 
W^arner, to reconnoiter the enemy, and was fired at by a cannon. Stark 
exclairaed : "Those rascals know I am an officer ; do n't you see they 
honor me with a big gun as a salule ?" His well known speech to his nien 
WM characteristic : " Boys, those are your enemies, the red-coats and to- 
ries I We must conquer them, or to-uight Molly Stark will be a widow I** 
I 



BATTLE OP BENNINGTON. 357 

nished upon the tories, and in a few moments tlie 
action became general. " It lasted," says Stark, in his 
official report, " two hours, and was the hottest I ever 
saw. It was like one continued clap of thunder."* 

•A soldier who was in the battle gave the following interesting 
account of it to the Rev. Jnnies Davie Butler : " We were marched round 
and round a circular hill till we were tired. Stark said it was to amuse 
the Germans. All the while a canrtonade was kept up upon us from their 
breastwork. It hurt nobody, and it lessened our fear of the great guns. 
After a while I was sent, with twelve others, to lie in ambush on a knoll 
a little north, and watch for tories on their way to join Baum. Presently 
we saw six coming toward us, who, mistaking us for tories, came too 
near us to escape. We disarmed them and sent them, under a guard of 
three, to Stark. While I sat on the hillock, I espied one Indian whom 
I thought I could kill, and more than once cocked my gun, but the 
orders were not to fire. He was cooking hid dinner, and now and then 
shot at some of our people. 

" Between two and three o'clock the battle began. The Germans fired 
by platoons, arnd were soon hidden by smoke. Our men fired each on 
his own hook, aiming wherever they saw a flash. Few on our side had 
either bayonets or cartridges. At last I stole away from my post, and 
ran down to the battle. The first time I fired I put three balls into my 
gun. Before I had time to fire many rounds, our men rushed over the 
breastwork, but I and many others chased straggling Hessians in the 
woods. We pursued till we met Breyman with eight hundred fresh 
troops and larger cannon, which opened a fire of grape-shot. Some of 
the grape-shot riddled a Virginia fence near me : one struck a small white 
oak tree behind which I stood. Though it hit higher than my head, I 
fled from the tree, thinking it might be aimed at again. We skirmishers 
ran back till we met a large body of Stark's men, then faced about. I 
Boon stalled for a brook I saw a few rods behind, for I had drank nothing 
all day, and should have died with thirst had I not chewed a UiUlet all 
the time. I had not gone a rod when I was stopped by an oflicer. sword 
in hand, and ready to cut me down as a runaway. On my com})iaining 
of thirst, he handed me his canteen, which was full of rum. I drank 
and forgot my thiist. 

" But the enemy outflanked us, and I said to a cof.ntidc : ' We must run 
or they will have us.' He said : 'I will have one more fire first' At 



358 KTUAN AJ>LEN Ais'D GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

The Indians, alarmed at the prospect of beino^ inclosed 
between the parties of Nichols and Herrick, tied at 
the commencement of the action, their main principle 
of battle array being to contrive or to escape an am- 

that moment a major on a black horse rode along behind us, shouting : 
'Fight on, boys ; reinforconients cU«e by.' While he was yet speaking, 
a grape-shot went through his hoi-se's head and knocked out two teeth. 
It bled a good deal, but tlie major kept bis seat and spurred on to en^ 
courage others. In five niinntes we saw Warner's men hurrying to help 
us. They opened right and left of us, and half of them attacked each flank 
of the enemy, and beat back those who were just closing around us. 
Stark's men now took heait and stood their ground. My gun -barrel was 
b}' this time too hot to hold, so I seized the musket of a dead Hessian, 
in which my bullets went down easier than in my own. Right in front 
were the cannon, and seeing an officer on horseback waving his sword to 
the artillerymen, I fired at him twice. His horse fell He cut the traces 
of an artilleiy horse, mounted him and rode off. I afterward heard 
that that officer was Major Skene. 

" Soon the Germans ran and we followed. Many of them threw down 
their guns on the ground, or offered them to us, or kneeled, some in pud- 
dles of water. One said to me: letr sind ein, hrvder 1 I pushed hin" 
behind me and rushed on. All those near me did so. The enemy bea\ 
a parley, minded to give up, but our men did not understand it I came 
to one wounded man, flat on the ground, crying water or quarter. I 
snatched his sword out of his scabbard, and, while I ran on and fireti, 
carried it in my mouth, thinking I might need it The Germans fled by 
the road and in a wood each side of it Many of their scabbards caught 
in the brush and held the fugitives till wo seized them. We chased 
them till dark. Colonel Johnston, of Haverhill, wanted to chase them 
all night Had we done so, we might have mastered them all, for they 
stopped within three miles of the battle-field. But Stark, saying he 
would run no risk of spoiling a good day's work, ordered a halt and 
return to quarters. 

" I was coming back, when ordered by Stark himself, who knew 
me, as I had been one of his body-guard in Canada, to help draw off a 
field-piece. I told him I was worn out His answer was: ' Do n't seem 
to disobey; take hold, and if you can't hold out, slip away in the dark.' 
Before w^ had dragged tlie gun far, Warner rode near us. Some one. 



BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 359 

bush or an attack in the rear. Tlie tories were soon 
driven over the river, and were thus thrown in con- 
fusion on the Germans, who were forced from their 
breastw^ork. Baum made a bold and resolute defense. 
The German dragoons, with the discipline of veterans, 
preserved their ranks, unbroken, and, after their am- 
munition was expended, were led to the charge by their 
colonel with the sword ; but they were overpowered' 
and obliged to give way, leaving their artillery and 
baggage on the field. 

They were w^ell inclosed in two breastworks, which, 
owing to the rain on the loth, they had constructed at 
leisure. But, notwithstanding this protection, with the 
advantage of two pieces of cannon, arms and ammu- 

pointing to a dead man by the wayside, said to him : ' Your brother is 
killed,' 'Is it Jesse?' asked Warner; and when the answer was, yea, 
he jumped off his horse, stooped and gazed in the dead man's face, and 
then rode away without saying a word. On ray way back I got the belt 
of the Hessian, whose sword I had taken in the pursuit. I also found a 
barber's pack, but was obliged to give up all my findings till the booty 
was divided. To th.e best of my remembrance, my share was four dol- 
lars and some odd centa One tory with his left eye shot out, was led 
by me mounted on a horse who had also lost his left eye. It seems cruel 
now — it did not then. 

"My company lay down and slept in a cornfield near where wc had 
fought ; each man having a hill of corn for a pilloto. When I waked 
next morning I was so beaten out that I could not get up till I had rolled 
about a good while. After breakfast I went to see them bury the dead. 
I saw thirteen tories, mostly shot through the head, buried in one hole. 
Not more than a rod from where I fought, we found Captain McClary 
dead, and stripped naked. Wc scraped a hole with sticks and just covered 
him with earth. We saw many of the wounded who had lain out all 
oigbt Afterward we went to Bennington and saw the prisoners pa- 
faded. They were drawn up in one long line, the British foremost, then 
thf Germans, next the Indians, and hindmost the toriea" 

10 



3iJ() ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEIs MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

nition in perfect order, and an auxiliary force of lii 
dians, they were driven from their intrenchments by a 
band of militia just brought to the field, poorly armed, 
with few bayonets, without field-pieces, and with little 
discipline. The superiority of numbers, on the part 
of the Americans, will, when th^se things are consid- 
ered, hardly be thought to abate any thing from the 
praise due to the conduct of the commander, or the 
spirit and courage of his men. 

The enemy being driven from the field, the militia 
dispersed to collect the plunder. Scarcely bad they 
done so, before intelligence was brought, that a large 
reinforcement from the British army was on the march, 
and within two miles' distance. This was the corps of 
Colonel Breyman, already mentioned, which had been 
dispatched by General Burgoyne, on receiving from 
Baum intelligence of his position. The rain of the 
preceding day and the badness of the roads had de- 
layed his arrival ; a circumstance which exercised an 
important influence on the fate of the battle. On the 
approach of Breyman's reinforcements, the flying party 
of Baum made a rally, and the fortune of the day was 
for a moment in suspense. Stark made an effort to 
rail J the militia ; but happily at this juncture Colonel 
Warner's regiment came up fresh and not yet engaged, 
and fell with vigor upon the enemy. 

This regiment, since the battle fought at Hubbard- 
ton, had been stationed at Manchester. It had been 
reduced, by the loss sustained in that action, to less 
than two hundred men. Warner, their colonel, as we 
liave seen, was at Bennington, and was with General 
iStark on the 14th. The regiment at Manchester was 



Warner's regiment. 361 

under the command of Major Samuel Safford. In con- 
sequence of the absence of a large number of the men 
on a scouting party, and other causes, it was not pos- 
sible to put the regiment in motion on the 14th ; on 
the 15th they marched for Bennington. Owing to the 
heavy rain of that day, it was near midnight when the 
troops arrived within a mile of Bennington. Fatigued 
with the march of the preceding day, their arms and 
equipments injured' by the rain, and their ammunition 
scanty, a considerable portion of the ensuing day was 
exhausted, before the men could prepare themselves 
for battle. Tlie first assault had been made in the 
manner described, and the enemy driven from the 
field, before this regiment came into action. At the 
most critical moment of the day, when the arrival of 
Breyman's reinforcement threatened a reverse of its 
good fortune, Warner's troops appeared in the field. 
Stark, with what men he had been able to rally, pushed 
forward to his assistance, and the battle was contested 
with great obstinacy on both sides till sunset, when the 
enemy were obliged to give way. General Stark pur- 
sued their flying forces till dark^ and was obliged to 
draw off his men, to prevent them from firing upon 
each other under cover of night. "With one hour 
more of daylight," as he observes in his official report, 
" he would have captured the whole body." The fruits 
of the victory were four pieces of brass cannon, sev- 
eral hundred stand of arms, eight brass drums, a quan- 
tity of German broad-swcrds, and about seven hundred 
prisoners. Two hundred and seven were killed upon 
the spot ; the number of the wounded was not ascer 
tained. Colonel Baum was wounded and made a 



362 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

prisoner, but shortly after died of his wounds. The 
loss of the Americans was thirty killed and forty 
wounded. The general's horse' was killed in the 
action. 

Too much praise cannot be bestowed on the conduct 
of those who gained the battle of Bennington, officers 
and men. It is perhaps the most conspicuous example 
of the performance by militia of all that is expected 
of regular, veteran troops. The fortitude and resolu- 
tion with which the lines at Bunker Hill were main- 
tained, by recent recruits, against the assault of a 
powerful army of experienced soldiers, have always 
been regarded with admiration. But at Bennington, 
the hardy yeomen of IS^ew Hampshire, Vermont and 
Massachusetts, many of them fresh from the plough 
and unused to the camp, " advanced," as General 
Stark expressed it in his official letter, " through fire 
and smoke, and mounted breastworks that were well 
fortified, an4 defended with cannon." 

Fortunately for the success of the battle, Stark was 
ably seconded by the officers under him ; every pi'e- 
vious disposition of hts little force was most faithfully 
executed. He expresses his particular obligation to 
Colonels Warner and Herrick, "whose superior skill 
was of great service to him." Indeed, the battle was 
planned and fought with a degree of military talent 
and science which would have done no discredit to any 
service in Europe. A higher degree of discipline might 
have enabled the general to check the eagerness of his 
men to possess themselves of the spoils of victory ; but 
his abilitv, even in that moment of dispersion, and un- 
der the flush of success, to meet and conquer a hostile 



GENERAL STAKK. 3G3 

reinforcement, evinces a judgment and resource not 
often equaled in partisan warfare. 

In fact, it would be the height of injustice not to 
recognize, in this battle, the marks of the master mind 
of the leader, which makes good officers and good sol- 
diers out of any materials, and infuses its own spirit 
into all that surround it. This brilliant exploit was tho 
work of Stark, from its inception to its achievement. 
His popular name called the militia together. His 
resolute will obtained him a separate commission, — at 
the expense, it is true, of a wise political principle, — 
but on the present occasion, with the happiest effect. 
His firmness prevented him from being overruled by 
the influence of General Lincoln, w^hich would have 
led him, with his troops, across the Hudson. How few 
are the men who, in such a crisis, would not merely not 
have sought, but actually have repudiated, a junction 
with the main army ! How few, w^ho would not only 
have desired, but actually insisted on taking the respon- 
Bibility of separate action ! Having chosen the burden 
of acting alone, he acquitted himself in the discharge 
of his duty, with the spirit and vigor of a man con- 
scious of ability proportioned to the crisis. He ad- 
vanced against the enemy wath promptitude ; sent 
forward a small force to reconnoiter and measure his 
strength ; chose his ground deliberately and with skill ; 
planned and fought the battle with gallantry and suc- 
cess. 

The consequences of this battle were of great import- 
ance. It not only cost the army of Burgoyne more 
than one thousand of his best troops, but it wholly 
deranged the plan of his campaign, and materially 



3G4 EITIAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

contributed to the loss of his army. Bj advancing be- 
yond Ticonderoga, his communication with the country 
in his rear was interrupted. He relied on these lateral 
excursions to keep the population in alarm, and to 
prevent their flocking to Gates. He also depended on 
procuring his supplies by such inroads into the coun- 
try. The catastrophe of Baum's expedition, by which 
he hoped to furnish himself With an ample store of pro- 
visions collected at Bennington, disappointed tliat ex- 
pectation, and compelled him to halt till he could 
procure them in detail from other quarters, and thug 
retarded his advance toward Albany for a month, 
during all which time the militia poured to the stand- 
ard of General Gates, and placed him in a condition 
to compel the surrender of the British army.* 

Five days after the battle of Bennington, congress 
being still ignorant of the transaction, a resolution was 
introduced to censure Stark for not submitting to the 
regulations of the continental army, and refusing obe- 
dience to its commander. Thereupon, a member from 
Kew Hampshire rose and ej^pressed the belief that the 
first battle they should hear of at the north would be 
fought by Stark and the troops under his command, 
and that he was not afraid to stake his life or his honor 
on a wager that Stark's men would do as much as any 
equal number of troops in defense of their country. 
In a letter home, that gentleman said : "Judge of my 
feelings when the very next day I had a confirmation 
of all I had asserted, by an express from Schuyler, 
detailing the defeat of Baum and Breyman." The 
resolution of censure was immediately changed to one 

• See Life of Stark by Edward Everett 



burgoyne's defeat. 3G5 

of thanks, accompanied with the appoin4;ment of Stark 
to be a brigadier-general in the army of the United 
States. 

If Bnrgoyne was astonished when an antagonist ho 
had never heard of thus nnexpectedly defeated a body 
of his best troops, what would he have thought had he 
known that antagonist's history? — for, twenty-five 
years before. Stark had been a captive in Canada, and 
was ransomed for an Indian pony worth one hundred 
dollars! "The repulse on the banks of the Walloom- 
scoik," says an eloquent Vermonter,* " plucked out the 
crowning keystone from that well-nigh finished arch, 
so that the whole structure cracked, crumbled by 
piecemeal, tottered and fell, a wreck of ruin, never to 
rise again." The result of the action was in exact ac- 
cordance with the prophetic wish expressed by Wash- 
ington in his letter to Schuyler, written only a few 
days previous. Washington, on hearing the joyful 
tidings of Stark's victory, said, " one more such stroke, 
and we shall have no great cause for anxiety as to the 
future designs of Britain." 

The revolution wrought by this event, in Burgoyne'a 
feelings, is betrayed by the contrast between his letters 
just before and just after the expedition. In the former 
he writes to the leader of the corps sent against Ver- 
mont : " Mount your dragoons, send me thirteen hund- 
red horses, seize Bennington, cross the mountains to 
Rockingham and Brattleborough, try the affections 
of the country, take hostages, and meet me a fortnight 
hence in Albany." Four days ofUr the battle he 

* James Davie BiitJer, from whose Address on the Battle of Benning- 
ton many of *be facts in this nanative are derived. 

16* 



366 VTIIAN AJXEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

writes to England : " The Hampshire Grants in partic- 
ular, a country unpeopled and almost unknown in the 
last war, now abounds in the most active and rebel- 
lious race on the continent, and hangs like a gathering 
storm upon my left."^ Burgoyne was far from over- 
rating the influence of Stark's success. Within three 
days thereatler, Schuyler wrote to Stark: *'The signal 
victory you have gained, and the severe loss the enemy 
have received, cannot fail of producing the most salu 
tary result." "Within a week, a liand-bill was issued 
at Boston, containing an exaggerated account of Stark'a 
triumph ; the news was there proclaimed by criers, and 
rung out from all the bells. Clinton wrote: "Since 
the aftUir at Bennington, not an Indian has been heard 
of; the scalping has ceased ; indeed, I do not appre- 
hend any great danger from the future operations of 
Mr. Burgoyne." Washington, writing to Putnam, was 
high in hope that l^ew England, following the great 
stroke struck by Stark, would entirely crush Burgoyne ; 
and a rumor that Burgoyne was crushed, raised tlie 
siege of Fort Stanwix, and broke his right wing. All 
this was within one week after Baum and Breyman 

* An officer in Burgoyne's army, in allusion to the event, in a series 
of letters written to his friends in England, and after'^ard published, 
Baid : " The courage and obstinacy with which the Americans fought, 
were the astonishment of every one, and we now became fully con- 
vinced, they are not that contemptible enemy we had hitherto in)agined 
them, incapable of standing a regular engagement, and that they would 
only fight behind strong and powerful works. If the other provinces 
enter as heaitily into the cause of rebellicm, I am afraid we shall find it 
a very difficult task to subdue them ; for. exclusive of all the various 
modes of furnishing men and supplies, it is in these provinces, in some 
measure, become a religious cause, in wliioh the people being enthusi- 
asts, their clergy artfully increase a warlike spirit among thoir flocks" 



SPOILS AT BENNINGTON. 367 

were discomfited. In one day more a rumor was 
rile in New Hampshire that Burgoyne had been taken 
at Stillwater : 

As the sun, 



Ere he be risen, sotnetimes pajnt« his image 

In the atmosphere, the shadowH of great events 

Precede the events, and in to-d-dy already walks to-morrow." 

The spoils taken by Stark, after his victory at Ben- 
nington, were equally distributed among his soldiers, 
and the prize-money given to each soldier was five 
dollars. Before thus dividing the spoils, Stark selected 
certain articles to be presented as trophies to the states 
of Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, 
namely: for each state, one Hessian gun and bayonet, 
one broad-sword, one brass-barreled drum, and one 
grenadier's cap. These presents called forth from each 
of the states, a letter of thanks. The gift to •Massa- 
chusetts is still suspended in the senate-chamber at 
Boston. Only a portion of Stark's present to his own 
state is preserved, while that given to Vermont, to 
commemorate his victory, has been lost. The cap of 
Colonel Baum was for many years worn to the legisla- 
ture by the representative from Pownal, and his sword 
Btill hangs in the bar-room of .a Bennington tavern. 
Baum's maps were long used by Stark as curtains in 
his log cabin. The whole expense of Stark's brigade, 
in the achievement of a victory which secured the de- 
struction of Burgoyne's army, was sixty -six thousand 
dollars; but, owing to the depreciation of continental 
money, only two thousand dollars were actually paid by 
congress. 

The four pieces of cannon taken by Stark at Ben- 
nington were of Dutch manufacture. They were 



368 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEPiOElS- 

alternately in the hands of the British and Americana 
during the battle. Their history is somewhat singular. 
After the war, the following inscription was placed 
upon them : " Taken r'rom the Germans at Benning- 
ton, August 16th, 1777." Thirtj-five years afterward 
they were in the park of artillery which Hull surren 
dered with his army to the British at Detroit. The 
British fired their evening salute with them, and it was 
determined, and preparations were made, to have their 
history continued, by engraving upon them the inscrip- 
tion, "Betaken from the Americans, August 16th, 
1812." But before this plan was executed, the cannon 
were again taken from the British at the capture of 
Fort George, and afterward removed to the arsenal at 
Washington, where they remained many years un- 
claimed and forgotten by the Yermonters, to whom 
they belonged. They were finally discovered by the 
Hon. Henry Stevens, the indefatigable Yermont an- 
tiquary, while at Washington in pursuit of docu- 
ments connected with the early history of his native 
state, and upon his recommendation were claimed by 
Yermont, and cheerfully restored by congress. They 
now grace the principal hall of the Yermont state- 
house, at Montpelier — a memento of the heroic pa- 
triotism of the Green-Mountain Boys of '76. 

The German and British prisoners were conducted 
to Bennington, after the battle, and shut up in the 
meeting-house. As soon as the necessary arrange- 
ments could be made, they were removed to a place of 
greater security in Massachusetts. The tories being 
held in special abhorrence, were treated with consider- 
able severity. They were bound two and two, like 



A LOKD IN LIMBO. 369 

slaves in a cofflc, and led by persons on horse1)ack. 
The women of Bennington very cheerfully furnished 
all their bed-ropes to tie the prisoners with. The people 
gathered in crowds to see them as they passed. One 
of the British officers roughly addressed a very old 
lady, who was looking at them, " So, you old fool, you 
must come to see the lions." " Lions ! lions!" re])lie^d 
the old lady, good-humoredly, " I declare, now, I think 
you look more like lambs." 

The prisoners taken at Bennington were soon after 
joined by the whole of Burgoyne's army, who had 
fallen into the hands of Gates. They were taken to 
Cambridge, near Boston. A British officer, who was 
among the prisoners, tells the following anecdote of 
their journey thither. The spiteful manner in which 
he alludes to the New-England people, may be excused 
in consideration of his unfortunate position among 
them. " The lower class of the jS^ew-Englanders," says 
he, " are impertinently curious and inquisitive ; at a 
house where Lord Kapier was quartered, with other 
officers, a number of the inhabitants flocked to see a 
lord, imagining he must be something more than man; 
they were continually looking in at the window, and 
peeping at the room door, saying, ' I wonder which is 
the lord ! ' At last four women, intimate friends of the 
landlord, got into the room, when one of them, with a 
twang, peculiar to the JSTew-Englanders, said : ' I hear 
you have got a lord among you; pray, now, which may 
he be?' His lordship, who, by the by, was all 
over mire, and scarcely dry from the heavy rain that 
had fallen during the day's march, whispered to 
an officer named Kemmis, whose turn for wit and 



370 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

jocularity was well known to the army. Kemmis accor' 
dingly got up, and -pointing to his lordship, in a voice 
and manner as if he was herald.-at-arras, informed them 
that ' that was the Eight Honorable Francis Lord Na- 
pier, &c., &c., &c.,' going through all his lordship's 
titles, with a whole catalogue of additions ; after he 
had finished, the women looked very attentively at his 
lordship, and while he and the other officers were 
laughing at the adroitness of Kemmis, the women got 
up, and one of them lifting up her hands and eyes to 
heaven, with great astonishment, exclaimed, ' Well, for 
my part, if that be a lord, I never desire to see any 
other lord but the Lord Jehovah,' and instantly left 
the room." 

The same ofiicer also relates the following affecting 
circumstance : " A few days since, walking out with 
some officers, we stopped at a house to purchase vege« 
tables ; while the other officers were bargaining with 
the woman of the house, I observed an elderly woman 
sitting by the fire, who was continually eyeing us, and 
every now and then shedding a tear. Just as we were 
leaving, the house she got up, and bursting into tears, 
said, ' Gentlemen, will you let a poor, distracted wo- 
man speak a word to you before you go? ' We, as you 
might naturally imagine, were all astonished, and upon 
inquiring what she wanted, with the most poignant 
grief and sobbing, as if her heart was on the point of 
breaking, asked if any of us knew her son, Colonel 
Francis, who was killed at the battle of Hubbardton? 
Several of us informed her, that we had seen him after 
he was dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, 
and if any oi his papers were safe, as some related to 



THE SOLDIERS MOTHER. 371 

his estates, and if any of the soldiers had got his watch; 
if she could but obtain that in remembrance of her 
dear, dear son, she should be happy. Captain Fergu- 
son, of our regiment, who was of the party, told her as 
to the colonel's papers and pocket-book, he was fearful 
they were either lost or destroyed ; but, pulling a 
watch from his fob, said, '^ There, good woman, if that 
can make you happy, take it, and God bless you." 
AVe were all much surprised, not knowing that he 
had made a purchas(^ of it from a drum-boy. On see- 
ing it, it is impossible to describe the joy and grief that 
• w^s depicted in her countenance ; I never, in all my 
' life, beheld such a strength of passion ; she kissed it, 
looked unutterable gratitude at Captain Ferguson, then 
kissed it again ; her feelings were inexpressible ; she 
knew not liow to express or shew them ; she would re- 
pay his kindness by kindness, but could only sob her 
thanks ; our feelings were lifted up to an inexpressible 
height ; we promised to search after the papers, and I 
beireve, at that moment, could have hazarded life itself 
to have procured them." 

The severe measures of General Burgoyne had 
roused the resentment and indignation of the New- 
England states; the prospect of success after the battle 
of Bennington, had increased their courage and anima- 
tion; and the people were everywhere in motion. 
Finding that reinforcements were, and probably would 
be constantly arriving, General Lincoln determined to 
make a diversion in the rear of the enemy. He marched 
himself with the militia that liad joined him, from 
Manchester to Pawlet. From thence, on September 
the thirteenth, he sent off Colonel Brown with five 



372 ETHAN ALTJJN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

hundred men to the landing at Lake George, to destroy 
the British stores, and to release the American prison- 
ers that had been collected at that place. Colonel 
Johnson was dispatched with the same number of men 
to Mount Independence. Johnson was to amuse and 
alarm the enemy at the north end of Lake George, 
while Brown was executing the business at the south 
end. If circumstances and opportunity favored, they 
were to join their troops, and the one was to attack 
Ticonderoga, and the other Mount Independence; but 
they were not to risk the loss of many men in these 
attempts. The same number of men were also sent on 
under Colonel Woodbridge, to Skenesborough ; thence 
to Fort Anne, and so on to Fort Edward. The design 
was to alarm and divide the British forces and atten- 
tion, by assaulting all their outposts and stations at 
the same time. With so much secrecy and address 
were these operations conducted, that by September 
the eighteenth. Brown had effectually surprised all the 
outposts between the landing-place at the north end 
of Lake George, and the body of the fortress at Ticon- 
deroga. Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the " French 
lines," and a block-house, with two hundi*ed bateaux, an 
armed sloop, and several gun-boats, were almost in- 
stantly taken. Four companies of foot, with nearly an 
equal number of Canadians, and many of the officers 
and crews of the vessels, amounting in the whole to 
two hundred and ninety -three, were made prisoners ; 
and at the same time they set at liberty one hundred 
Americans, who had been made prisoners, and were 
confined in some of those works. Encouraged by this 
success, they summoned General Powel, the British 



MOVEMENTS OF BURGOYNE. 373 

commander at Ticonderoo^a, to surrender that fortress ; 
but after maneuvering four days, they found they were 
wholly unable to attempt the w^orks either at Ticonde- 
roga or Mount Independence; abandoning the design, 
they returned in safety to Lincoln's camp. By this 
well-conducted enterprise, the Americ-ans had alarmed 
the enemy on the lakes, captured a considerable num- 
ber of their men and vessels, recovered the continental 
standard which they had left when they abandoned 
Ticonderoga, and returned to their camp with scarcely 
any loss to themselves. 

Meanwhile, Generrd Burgoyne, having collected 
about thirty days' provisions, and thrown a bridge of 
boats over the Hudson, crossecl that river on the 13th 
and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights 
and plains of Saratoga. General Gates, who had re- 
cently taken the chief command of the northern de- 
partment of the American army, advanced toward the 
British, and encamped three miles above Stillwater. 
On the night of the 17th, Burgoyne encamped within 
four miles of the American army ;. and about noon on 
the 19th advanced in full force as^ainst it. The nVht 
wing was commanded by General Burgoyne, and cov- 
ered by General Fraser and Colonel Breyman with the 
grenadiers and light infantry, who were posted along 
some high grounds on the right. The front and flanka 
were covered by Indians, provincials, and Canadians. 
The left wing and artillery were commanded by Major- 
generals Phillips and Eeidesel, who proceeded along 
the great road. Colonel Morgan, who was detached 
to observe their motions, and to harass them as they 
advanced, soon fell in with their pickets in front of 



374 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

their riglit wing, attacked tliem sharply, and drove 
them in. A strong corps was brought up to support 
them, and, after a severe encounter, Morgan was com- 
pelled to give way; but a regiment was ordered to as- 
sist him, and the action became more general. The 
commanders on both sides supported and reinforced 
their respective parties; and about four o'clock, Arnold, 
with nine continental regiments and Morgan's corps, 
was completely engaged with the whole right wing of 
the British army. The engagement began at three 
o'clock in the afternoon, and continued till after sun- 
set, when the Americans thought proper to retire, and 
leave the British masters of the field of battle. The 
loss on each side was nearly equal, six hundred being 
killed and wounded on the part of the British, and the 
same number on the side of the Americans. 'No ad- 
vantages resulted to the British troops frojn this en- 
counter ; while the conduct of the Americans fuUv 
convinced every one that they were able to sustain an 
attack in open plains with the intrepidity, the spirit, 
and the coolness of veterans. For four hours they 
maintained a contest hand to hand ; and when they 
retired, it was not because they were conquered, but 
because the approach of night made a retreat to their 
camp absolutely necessary.* Both armies lay some 

* In a history of Bnrp;oyne's campaif^n, writfen by an ofiicer of hia 
army, the following exainph^s of tlie lu'roisni and devoted patriotism of 
the Americans are given. A soldier who liad been badly wounded was 
tixkou prisoner by the Indians, and carritnl before General Fraser, who 
made inquiries of him in regard to the condition of the American army. 
"But he would give no answer to any question," says the British officer, 
"and beiiaved in the most undaunted manner. The general, imagining 
that by sliowing him attention ho might gain some information from 



THE SPIRIT OF '76. 375 

time in sight of each other, each fortifying its camp in 
the strongest manner possible. Meanwhile, the diffi- 
culties of the British general were daily increasing; 
his auxiliary Indians deserted him soon after the battle 
of Stillwater ; and his army, reduced to little more 
than live thousand men, was limited to half the usual 
allowance of provisions ; the stock of forage was also 
entirely exhausted, and his horses were perisliing in 

him, ordered him some refreshment, and when the surgeon had examined 
his wound, told him he must immediately undergo an amputation, which 
being performed, he was requested to keep himself still and quiet, or a 
lock-jaw would inevitably ensue; to this he replied with great firmness, 
' then I shall have the pleasure of dying in a good cause, that of gaining 
independence to the American colonies.' I mention this circumstance, 
to show how cheerfully some of them will sacrifice their lives in pursuit 
of this favorite idol. Such was the man's restless disposition, that he 
actually died the next morning." 

Another prisoner was interrogated by General Fraser. The soldier 
would give no other answer than that the American army was com- 
manded by General Gates. Fraser, exceedingly provoked because he 
could gain no intelligence, told him if he did not immediately inform 
him as to the exact situation of the American army, he would hang him 
up directly; the soldier, with the most undaiintecrnfirmness, re[)lied, 
" Then you must hang me, for I will not betray my country." Fraser's 
threat was not executed. 

While the British camp was on the north side of the Fish Creek, a 
number of the officers' horses were let loose in the meadows to feed. An 
expert swimmer among the Americans who swarmed upon the bills east 
of the Hudson, obtained perniission to go across and capture one of tha 
horses. He swam the river, seized and mounted a fine bay gelding, and 
in a few moments was recrossing the stream unharmwJ, amid a volley of 
bullets from a party of British soldiers. Shouts greeted him as he re- 
turned ; and, when resterl, he asked permission to go for another, tellinjf 
the captain that lie ought to have a horse to ride as well as a private. 
Again the adventuroiis 8f)ldier was among the herd, and, unscathed, re- 
turned with an exceedingly good match for the first, and presented it to 
bis commander. 



376 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

great numbers ; the American army had become so 
augmented as to render him diffident of makinor good 
his retreat ; and, to aggravate his distress, no intelli- 
gence had jet been received of the approach of Gen- 
eral Clinton, or of any diversion in his favor from 
New York. In this exigency. General Burgoyne re- 
solved to examine the possibility of dislodging the 
Americans from their posts on the left, by which means 
he would be enabled to retreat to the lakes. For this 
purpose he drew out fifteen hundred men, whom he 
headed himself, attended by Generals Phillips, Reide- 
sel and Eraser. This detachment had scarcely formed, 
within less than half a mile of the American intrench- 
ments, when they made a furious attack, which, though 
bravely resisted, was decidedly to the advantage of the 
assailants. General Burgoyne now became convinced 
that it was impossible to conduct any farther offensive 
operations, and endeavored to make good his retreat 
to Fort George. Artificers were accordingly dis- 
patched, under a strong escort, to repair the bridges, 
and open the roads, but they were compelled to make 
a precipitate retreat. The situation of his army be- 
coming every hour more hazardous, he resolved to 
attempt a retreat by night to Fort Edward ; but 
even this retrograde movement was rendered imprac- 
ticable. "VYhile the army was preparing to march, in 
telligence was received that the Americans had already 
possessed themselves of the fort, and that they were 
well provided with artillery. No avenue to escape 
now appeared. Incessant toil and continual engage- 
ments had worn down the British army; its provisions 
were nearly exhausted, and there were no means of 



SURRENDER OF BURGOTNE. 377 

procuring a supply; while the American army, which 
was daily increasing, was already much greater than 
the British in point of numbers, and almost encircled 
them. In this extremity, the British general called a 
council of war; and it was unanimously resolved to 
enter into a convention with General Gates. Prelimi- 
naries were soen settled, and the royal army, to the 
number of five' thousand seven hundred and fifty, sur- 
rendered prisoners of war. 

The capture of an entire army was justly viewed 
as an event that must essentially affect the contest be- 
tween Great Britain and America ; and while it ex- 
cited the highest joy among the Americans, it could 
not but have a most auspicious influence on their afiiiirs 
In the cabinet and in the field. The thanks of congress 
were voted to General Gates and his army; and a 
medal of gold, in commemoration of this splendid 
achievement, was ordered to be struck, to be presented 
to him by the president, in the name of the United 
States. 

After the* surrender of Burgoyne, the garrison left 
by him at Ticonderoga retreated into Canada. They 
were pursued by fifty Green-Mountain Rangers, who 
captured forty-nine of their number, together with 
horses, cattle, and boats in great numbers. Previous 
to the retreat of the British from Ticonderoga, a Yer- 
monter, named Kichard Wallace, swam across the lake, 
through a hostile fleet, for the purpose of learning the 
strength of the forces there, as an attack was contem- 
plated by Warner and Herrick. This act of daring was 
equal to a story of another Green-Mountain hero one 
Johnson, who, at the battle of Bennington, met a file 



o78 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

of German soldiers in the woods, and, having no other 
weapon than a club, wrenched the file-leader's sword 
Jroni his grasp, and compelled the whole party to sur- 
render themselves prisoners of war. A grandson* of 
that hero still keeps the Hessian blade thus bravely won. 
The brave and hardy inhabitants of the Green Moun- 
tains, who thus nobly stood forth in defense of their 
country, had other difficulties than those inseparable 
from the war with the mother country to encounter. 
Not having been recognized as an independent state, 
they were deprived of a regular government, under 
which they could act with system and eifect. They 
had, at first, no rallying point, and no bond of union, 
save a common interest to resist the claims of Kew 
York, as they had subsequently no other tie than that 
of a common determination to resist the invasion of the 
British forces. However, the necessity which drove 
them to resistance, gave the efifect of law to the recom- 
mendations of their conventions and committees ; while 
a few bold and daring spirits, as if formed for the oc- 
casion, gave energy and system to their 'movements. 
But a better organization was obviously needed, to 
sustain a protracted conflict. The change produced by 
the Declaration of Independence in the relations be- 
tween Great Britain and her colonies, rendered the 
importance of this course still more imperative. The 
people had, as we have seen, originally purchased their 
lands under royal grants from the governor of New 
Hampshire. But New York claimed the jurisdiction 
and right of soil, and insisted that the occupants of the 
lands should repurchase them, and at exorbitant rates. 

* Rev. Cbarlcs Johuson, of Locke, Cayuga couotj, New York ' 



INDEPENDENCE OF VERMONT. 379 

Tlie settlers had petitioned the crown for redress, and 
while the J were encouraged with indications favorable 
to their rights, the connection between the crown and 
contending parties was suddenly dissolved. There no 
longer remained, therefore, any earthly power, recog- 
nized by the parties as a superior^ possessing the right 
of settling the controversy. This state of things could 
not fail to suggest to the settlers the expediency of de- 
claring themselves independent. Having never sub- 
mitted to the authority of New York, and finding no 
safety for their dearest rights in doing so, they consid- 
ered the time had arrived, as they no longer acknowl- 
edged allegiance to the British crown, when a regard 
for their own safety required, and justice sanctioned, 
their formal assumption of the powers of self-govern- 
ment. Accordingly, toward the close of the year 1775, 
a number of individuals repaired to Philadelphia, 
where the continental congress was then in session, 
desiring the advice of that body as to the course they 
should pursue. IN'o formal action was taken by con- 
gress, although several of its prominent members rec- 
ommended a separate state organization. A convention 
of delegates from thirty-five towns accordingly assem- 
bled at Dorset, July 24th, 1776 ; but for the purpose ot* 
more thoroughly obtaining the views of the people, 
adjourned to the 25th of the following September. By 
the adjouined meeting, it was unanimously resolved 
"to take suitable measures, as soon as may be, to 
declare the I^ew-PIampshire Grants a free and separate 
district." ^ 

In January, 1777, another convention was held at 
Westminster, which finally adopted the following 



380 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
DECLARATION^ OF INDEPENDENCE. 

"In convention of the Representatives from the several coun- 
ties and towns of the New Hampshire Grants, holden at West- 
minster, January 15, 1777, by adjournment. 

Whereas, the Honorable the Continental Congress did, on the 
4th day of July last, declare the United Colonies in America to 
be free and independent of the crown of Great Britain; which 
declaration we most cordially acquiesce in. And whereas by the 
said declaration, the arbitrary acts of the crown are null and void, 
in ^merica. Consequently, the jurisdiction by said crown granted 
to New York government over the people of the New Hampshire 
Grants is totally dissolved. 

We therefore^ the inhabitants, on said tract of land, are at 
present without law or government, and may be truly said to be 
in a state of nature; consequently a right remains to the people 
on said Grants, to form a Government best suited to secure their 
property well being and happiness. We the delegates from the 
several counties and towns on said tract of land, bounded as fol- 
lows: South on the north hne of Massachusetts Bay; East on 
Connecticut River ; North on Canada line ; West as far as the 
New Hampshire Grants extend: After several adjournments for 
the purpose of forming ourselves into a distinct separate State, 
being assembled at Westminster, do make and publish the fal- 
lowing Declaration, viz : 

" That we will at all times hereafter, consider ourselves as a 
free and independent State, capable of regulating our internal 
police, in all and every respect whatsoever. And that the people 
of said Grants have the sole and exclusive, and inherent right of 
ruling and governing themselves, in such manner and form as in 
their own wisdom shall think proper, not inconsistent to any 
resolve of the Honorable Continental Congress. 

Furthermore, w^e declare by all the ties which are held sacred 
among men, that we will fijmly stand by and support one 
another in this our declaration of a State, and endeavoring as 
much as in us lies to suppress unlawful routs and disturb- 
ances \Thatever. Also we will endeavor to secure to every 
individual his life, peace and property, against all invaders of 
the same. 

LaMly^ we hereby declare, that we are at all times ready, in 
conjunction with our brethren in the United States of America, 
to do our full proportion in maintaining and supporting the just 
war, against the tyrannical invasions of the ministerial fleets and 
armies, as well as any other foreign enemies, sent with express 



VERMONT CONSTITUTION. 381 

purpose to murrler our fellow brethren, and with i5re and sword 
to ravage our defenceless country. 

The said State hereafter to be called by the name of New 
Connecticut." 

At another convention, held in June, 1777, the name 
of New Connecticut was changed to Yermont. In- 
formation of this important step was transmitted to 
congress, with the assurance that the people of Yermont 
'' were at all times ready, in conjunction with their 
brethren in the United States, to contribute their full 
proportion towards maintaining the present just war, 
against the fleets and armies of Great Britain." They 
also sent a deputation to Philadelphia to solicit con- 
gress to recognize their existence as an independent 
fctate, and admit their delegates to seats in the national 
legislature. New Hampshire readily consented to the 
separate independence of Yermont ; Connecticut and 
Massachusetts gave it their approval; but New York re- 
monstrated against the measure, and even insisted that 
congress should recall the commission granted to the 
noble Warner, who was denounced as an outlaw and 
insurgent. This remonstrance had its effect upon con- 
gress, and the application for the recognition of the in- 
dependence of Yermont, was peremptorily dismissed. 

AVhile this sul)ject was before congress, the people of 

Yermont were engaged in forming a constitution. A 

convention, chosen for this purpose, met at Windsor 

the second of July. The draft of a constitution was 

prepared, and the convention were deliberating upon its 

provisions when the intelligence of the evacuation of 

Ticonderoga was received. " The frontiers," says Ira 

Allen in his History of Yermont, ^'were exposed to the 

inroads of the enemy. The family of the president of 

17 



382 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOENTAIN HEROES. 

the couvention, as well as those of many other mem- 
bers, were exposed to the foe. In this awful crisis, 
some were for leaving precipitately ; but a severe thun- 
der-storm came on, and during the rain, thej had time 
to reflect ; while other members, less alarmed at the 
news, called the attention of the whole to finish the 
constitution, which was then reading for the last time. 
The constitution was read through ; the convention 
proceeded to appoint a council of safety to conduct 
the business of the state, and adjourned without day. 

"The members of the council of safety, appointed as 
aforesaid, agreed to meet and form at Manchester, 
where they repaired without loss of time. Colonel 
Thomas Chittenden was elected president, and Mr. Ira 
Allen (then twenty-seven years old) secretary to said 
convention. The council of safetj' had no public mo- 
ney, nor had they any authority to lay taxes, or credit, 
as a public body, to make or borrow money to answer 
the necessities of government. The government was 
in its infancy, and all expenses were supported at pri- 
vate expense. The council were generally men of small 
property, yet in this situation, it became necessary to 
raise men for the defense of the frontiers, with bounties 
and wages. Ways and means were to be found out ; 
and the day was spent in debating on the subject. iNTa- 
than Clark, Esq., not convinced of the practicability of 
raising a regiment, moved in council, that Mr. Ira Al- 
len, (the youngest member of the council, who insisted 
on raising a regiment, while a large majority of the 
council were for only two companies of sixty men each) 
might be appointed a committee, to discover ways and 
means to raise, arrn and support a regiment, and to 



IK A Allen's expedient. 383 

make his report at sunrise, on the morrow. The coun- 
cil acquiesced, and Mr. Allen took the matter into con- 
sideration, and spent the night alone in concerting 
plans ; and he reported the ways and means, viz : tliat 
the council should appoint commissioners of sequestra- 
tion, with authority to seize the goods and chattels of 
all persons who had, or should join the common en- 
emy ; that all movable property so seized should be 
sold at public vendue, and the proceeds paid to a treas- 
tirer, to be appointed by the council, for the purpose 
of paying a bounty often dollars, and one month's pay 
in advance." 

This is said to have been the first instance of the seiz- 
ure of the property of the tories for the defense of the 
country, although the practice was afterward adopted 
by all the states. This energetic measure enabled the 
council of safety to bring a regiment of hardy moun- 
taineers into the field. They appealed to I^ew Hamp- 
shire for aid. Stark was promptly sent 'to their asi^ist- 
ance — the battle of Benninoton was fouMit — Bur- 
goyne's expected supplies were thereby cut off", and the 
surrender of his army to Gates became inevitable. 

Previous to the adjournment of the convention which 
framed the state constitution, the first election of offi- 
cers was directed to be held in December, 1777; but 
the military movements in that vicinity rendered its 
post]/onement necessary. In March, 1778, Thomas 
Chittenden was elected governor, and Ira Allen 
BO 3: eta ry. 

Thomas Chittenden was born January 6, 1730, at 
Guilford, Conn. His father being a farmer, in moder- 
ate circumbtances, the subject of this memoir received 



384 ETHAN ALT,EN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

no other education than that afforded by the common 
school in Guilford. Until the eighteenth year of his 
age he was employed on his father's farm ; but being 
of an active and adventurous temperament, he engaged 
in a mercantile enterprise, and made a voyage to the 
West Indies. But England being then at war with 
France, the vessel in which he had embarked was cap- 
tured by a cruiser of the hitter country, and he was 
landed on a West-India island, without friends or re- 
sources. He finally reached home, after undergoing 
much sujffering and fatigue. At the age of twenty he 
married Elizabeth Meigs, removed to Salisbury, and 
by his industry and energy, soon acquired a consider- 
able fortune. He was then appointed a justice of the 
j>eace, a colonel of the militia, and represented the 
town of Salisbury in the Connecticut legislature from 
1765 to 1772. Having purchased a large tract of land 
on the Winooski river, he removed to the New-Hamp- 
shire Grants in the spring of 1774, and in a short pe- 
riod was surrounded with all the comforts that wealth 
could bestow. At this time the war of the Kevolution 
commenced, and Mr. Chittenden, with several other 
persons, repaired to Philadelphia to learn the views of 
the members of the continental congress, in regard to 
the momentous crisis then impending, and to receive 
advice as to the manner in which the people occupy- 
ing the New-Hampshire Grants, could, in their pe- 
culiar position, most effectually serve the cause of 
freedom. 

Upon the retreat of the American army from Can* 
ada, in the spring of 1776, the frontier settlements 
were exposed to the enemy, and Mr. Chittenden found 



GOV. CHITTENDEN. 385 

it necessary to abandon liis pleasant home, and re- 
move his family to Massachusetts. After doing this, 
he entered with much zeal into the measures adopted 
to impede the progress of the enemy, and was ap- 
pointed the first president of the committee of safety 
at Bennington. Entering with deep interest into the 
controversy with Xew York respecting the titles of 
the lands in the New-Hampshire Grants, and being 
more acquainted with public business than any of the 
settlers, in consequence of the offices which he had 
held in his native state, he was universally regarded 
as the man most suitable to be placed at the head of 
their operations. Mr. Chittenden perceived that the 
general struggle for independence, in which the col- 
onies were now engaged, presented a favorable oppor- 
tunity for terminating the controversy with New York, 
by erecting the disputed territory into a new state, 
and establishing a separate government ; and having 
adopted this decisive plan of sound policy, he steadily 
pursued it, till he saw the independence of Vermont 
acknowledged by the neighboring states and by the 
general government. 

He was a member of the first convention of dele- 
gates from the several townships, which met at Dorset, 
September 25, 1776, for the purpose of taking into 
consideration the expediency of declaring Yerniont an 
independent state ; and at the subsequent meeting of 
the convention at Westminster, January 25, 1777, he 
was one of the committee who draughted the declara- 
tion of independence, which was there adopted; and 
also a member of another committee, which, at that time, 
petitioned congress, praying that body to acknowledgo 



386 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-^IOUNTAIN HERO:?. 

Yermont a free and independent state. lie assisted in 
forming the' first constitution of Vermont, which was 
adopted by the convention, July 2d, 1777, and in 1778 
he was. elected the first governor of Yermont, which 
ofiicG*Uie held, with the exception of one year, till hia 
death.* 

Governor Chittenden Dossessed in an eminent deo^ree, 
precisely those qualifications which fitted him for the 
sphere in which he was called upon to act. He had not, 
indeed, enjoyed many of the advantages of education, 
but his want of education was amply compensated by 
the possession of a strong and active mind, which, at 
the time he emigrated to Yermont, was matured by 
age, practiced in business, and enriched by a careful 
observance of men and thino^s. His knowledge was 
practical rather than theoretic. He was regular in hia 
habits — plain and simple in his manners — averse to 
ostentation in equipage or dress, and he cared little for 
the luxuries, the blandishments or the etiquette of 
refined society. In short, though he was destitute of 
many of the qualifications now deemed essential in a 
statesman, he possessed all that were necessary, and 
none that were superfluous, in the times in which he 
lived, and was probably far better fitted to be the 
leader and governor of the independent, dauntless and 
hardy, but uncultivated settlers of Vermont, tlian would 
have been a man of more theoretic knowledge, or polite 
accomplishments. 

Ira Allen, who was chosen the first secretary of 
etate, had also been the secretary of the committee of 

* History of Verraont, by Rev. Zadock Thompson — a most able and 
elabo-ate work 



IRA ALLEN. 387 

Srtfetj, and as such, performed services of incalculable 
beneiit to the country. Many of the inhabitants of the 
Green Mountains sanc^oned the policy of the British 
crown, in oppositioi? u :^t- ^'nterests of the colonies, and 
on the approach of Burguynv. 'undreds of them fled 
to his camp. The whole country was .. :he utmost 
consternation. Successful resistance to the trmmpnan-^ 
march of the haughty Briton was scarcely hoped for 
The committee of safety at Bennington were about to 
give up in despair. The committee were destitute of 
means, and yet Allen insisted that tbey should enlist a 
regiment to aid the army of freedom. But how were 
the men to be paid ? how armed ? Ira Allen shrunk 
not from the question. " We must use the means of 
those who have gone over to the enemy, to defend 
ourselves against them," said he. The measure was 
adopted, the regiment was raised, arms and ammunition 
were procured, and at Bennington, "that cluster of 
poor cottages," as Burgoyne denominated it, was fought 
the battle w^hich rendered the ultimate surrender of 
the British army inevitable. " Let us turn," says a 
distinguished Vermont author,* in describing the 
members of the' committee of safety, '^ Let us turn to 
the youthful secretary of the council, Ira Allen. So 
much the junior of his colleagues was he, that a 
spectator might well wonder why he was selected as 
one of such a sage body. But those who procured his 
appointment knew full well w^hy they had done so ; 
and his history thenceforward was destined to prove a 
continued justification of their opinion. Both in form 

• Daniel P. Thompson, Esq., iu his populai' historical novel, entitled 
* The Rangers." 



388 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MODNTAII^ UEKOES. 

and feature, l:e was one of the handsomest men of hid 
day ; while a mind, at once versatile, clear and 
penetrating, with perceptions as quick as light, was 
stamped on his Grecian brow, or found a livelier 
expression in his flashing black eyes, and other linea- 
ments of his intellectual countenance. Such, as he 
appeared for the first time on the stage of public action, 
was the afterward noted Ira Allen, whose true history, 
when written, will show him to have been either 
secretly or openly the originator or successful prosecutor 
of more important political measures, affecting the 
interests and independence of the state, and the issue 
of the war in the northern department, than any other 
individual in Vermont ; making him, with the many 
peculiar traits he possessed, one of the most remarkable 
men of the times in which he so conspicuously figured." 
Many difficulties attended the establishment of the new 
government. Congress had disapproved of the Yer- 
mont declaration of independence, and 'New York 
vigorously resisted the movement. The Yermonters, 
in the expectation of increasing their strength, incau- 
tiously admitted another occasion of embarrassment to 
the adjustment of the serious controversy in which they 
were involved. The original charter under which New 
Hampshire was settled, was limited to a margin of sixty 
miles in width along the sea-coast. But the jurisdiction 
of the colony was afterward extended westward to the 
Connecticut river, and Governor Wentworth even 
claimed jurisdiction to Lake Champlain. Sixteen 
townships, situated on the eas4; side of the Connecticut, 
but within the limits of the original charter, applied 
to the Vermont legislature for admission into their new 



Allen's return". 389 

Btate. The application was made in March, 17T8. Tho 
people on the east side of the Green Mountains were 
ai'dently in favor of the measure, and as it was repre- 
sented to the legislature that the persons inhabiting the 
sixteen townships almost unanimously approved of 
the proposed union, the subject was referred to the 
people. In June the legislature again met, and as a 
majority of the towns composing the state of Vermont 
had declared in favor of the union, the legislature gave 
its formal consent to the measure. New Hampshire at 
once protested against the dismemberment of its terri- 
tory, and appealed to congress for protection. 

In the mean time, Ethan Allen had been exchanged 
for an officer taken at the capture of Burgoyne, and, 
after having visited Washington at Yalley Forge, had 
returned to his beloved Green-Mountain companions, 
and was welcomed home amid universal rejoicings. 
Congress, not unmindful of his services, granted him a 
brevet commission of colonel in the continental army, 
" in reward of his fortitude, firmness and zeal in the 
cause of his country, manifested in the course of his 
long and cruel captivity, as well as on former occa- 
sions." Allen, on his return to Vermont, was appointed 
general and commander-in-chief of the militia of the 
state. The people of Vermont having seen their error 
in becoming a party to the dismemberment of New 
IIamj)shire, General Allen was appointed a special 
agent to visit Philadelphia and counteract the unfavor- 
able feeling in congress respecting the independence 
of Vermont, occasioned by its course toward a sister 
state. The delicate duties of this mission Allen per- 
formed with consummate tact, and on his return to his 



390 ETHAN ALLEN AND OEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

constituents, urged them to recede from the union with 
a portion of New Hampshire, expressing the assur- 
ance that should they do so, congress would recognize 
their independence. The legislature met at Windsor, 
in October, and in compliance with Allen's recommend- 
ation,' receded from the union with the towns east of 
the Connecticut river. The members from these towns 
withdrew from the legislature, and were followed by a 
number of others representing the east side of the 
Green Mountains, and these afterward occasioned the 
administration much trouble. 

During the occurrence of these events, Governor 
Clinton, of jSTew York, issued a proclamation claiming 
jurisdiction over Vermont, but confirming the title of 
the settlers to the lands which had been granted by the 
governor of New Hampshire. Many persons were 
eager to acquiesce in the jurisdiction of New York 
upon these conditions. But Allen prepared an answer 
to the proclamation of Clinton, stating the groundo of 
the claims of Vermont to the right of self-government, 
and exhorting the people not to relax for a moment 
their efforts to attain the end for which they had 
strue^gled so long and so hard. This address had a 
powerful effect upon the Vermonters, and doubtless 
prevented the dissolution of the state government. 

It should be said to the praise of Allen, considering 
the scenes he had passed through, that on no occasion 
did he encourage or countenance laxness in govern- 
ment, or disobedience to the laws and magistrates, re^ 
cognized as such by the people themselves. "Any one," 
he remarks, "who is acquainted with mankind and 
things, must know, that it is impossible to manage tlie 



ALLEN FOT! LAW AND 0];nER. w9l 

political matters of this country without the assistance 
of civil government. A large body of people destitute 
of it, is like a ship at sea, without a helm or mariner, 
tossed by the impetuous waves. We could not enjoy 
domestic peace and security, set aside the consequences 
of a British war and the New-York strife, without civil 
regulations. The two last considerations do, in the 
most striking manner, excite us to strengthen and con- 
firm the government already set up by the authority 
of the people, which is the fountain of all temporal 
power, and from which the subjects of the state of 
Vermont have already received such signal advan- 
tages." These sentiments he avowed repeatedly, and 
even when he was stirring up and leading out the mobs 
of Bennington, he always declared it was in self-defense, 
the result of a necessity forced upon them by their en- 
emies ; and he pever ceased to recommend order, good 
faith, and submission to the laws, as essential to the 
prosperity and happiness of the community. ^ 

This desire on the part of Allen to maintain good 
order in society by adherence to the law, is happily 
illustrated by an occurrence which took place soon after 
his return from captivity^"' One David liedding had been 
accused of supplying the enemy on the lakes with pro- 
visions, and was charged with several other acts un- 
friendly to the country. He was at first tried by a jury 
of six persons and convicted, and was sentenced to be 
executed on the sixth day of June, 1778. In the mean 
time, John Burnam, an attorney at law, who had re- 
cently arrived from Connecticut, with Blackstone's 
Commentaries in his saddle-bags, appeared before the 
council of safety and showed them that Redding'a 



392 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

conviction had been irregular, inasmuch as no man 
could be legally convicted of a capital crime, but 
bj the verdict of twelve jurymen. The council, per- 
ceiving their error, granted a new trial. But the curi- 
osity which, not much to the honor of human nature, 
has ever been manifested on such occasions, was on 
this, greatly heightened by the fact that no execution 
had ever taken place in Vermont. To this curiosity 
was added the strong feeling of indignation which 
such a crime as that of Kedding was calculated to ex- 
cite at that period. The intelligojice that a new trial 
Lad been granted was received at the moment when 
the excited throng were collecting to witness the 
execution. With such a multitude and on such an 
occasion, it was useless to talk of law. They had pro- 
nounced the culprit guilty, and were not in a mood to 
reflect upon the motive for setting aside the verdict of 
the whole community with so little ceremony. The ex- 
cited populace were preparing to seize the prisoner, 
regardless of the reprieve which had been granted, and 
imceremoniously hang him. Upon this, Ethan Allen 
pressed through the crowd, mounted a stump, and 
waving his hat, exclaimed in thundering tones, "At- 
tentifb the whole!" Silence was at once restored, for 
all were eager to hear what he would sav. lie then 
proceeded to announce the reasons which had produced 
the reprieve — advised the multitude to depart peace- 
ably to their habitations, and return on the day fixed 
for the execution by the council of safety, adding with 
a tremendous oath, '^You shall see somebody hung, 
at all events; for if Reddirgis not then hung, I will be 
hung myself." The crowd quietly dispersed, and after 



ANECDOTES OF ETHAN ALLEN. 393 

havinty been a second time convicted, Redding was 
finally executed."* 

Levi, one of Ethan Allen's brothers, joined the tories 
and fled with them to Canada. This greatly incensed 
Ethan, and he applied to the proper authorities for the 
confiscation of his brother's property for the benefit of 
the state.f Levi heard of this, and challenged his 
brother to fight a duel ! This Ethan refused to do, on 
the ground that it would "be disgraceful to fight a tory ! " 
Levi' afterward abandoned the royal cause, and be- 
came a staunch patriot. 

* Another anecdote, illustrative of Allen's character, may be appropri- 
ately narrated here, and, like the above, is undoubtedly authentic. Allen 
was for a short time a resident of Tinmouth, Vt On one occasion while 
at the house of the village physician, a lady entered to have a tooth ex- 
tracted; but as often as the physician attempted to apply his insti-ument 
to the offending tooth, the kdy's courage failed, Allen, who was an un- 
easy spectator, at length said to the physician, " Here, Doctor, take out 
one of my teeth." " But your teeth are all soiftid," said the physician, 
after carefully examining his molars and incisors. " Never mind — do as 
I direct you," said Allen; and there was suddenly a gap in his array of 
ivory. " Now take courage, madam, from the example I have given you," 
eaid Allen to the trembling lady. Pride overcame her fears, and she 
was soon relieved of her apprehensions of pain, and of her tooth also. 

t The following is a literal copy of Ethan Allen's complaint concern- 
ing his brother : 

BENNixtTON County, ss. — Arlington, 9th of January, 1779. 
To the Honorable the Court of Confiscation, comes CoL Ethan Allen, 
in the name of the freemen of this State, and complaint makes that Levi 
Allen, late of Salisbury, in Connecticut, is of tory principles, and holds 
in fee, sundry tracts and parcels of land in this State. The said Levi has 
been detected in endeavoring to supply the enemy on Long Island, and 
in attempting to circulate counterfeit continental currency, and is guilty 
of holding treasonable correspondence with the enemy, under cover of 
doing favours to me, when a prisoner at New-York, and Long Island ; 
and in talking, and useing influence in favour of the enemy, associating 



394: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN IIESOES. 

After the surrender of Bnrffovne, the southern states 
became the theater of the important operations of the 
British, leaving no opportunity for the American troops 
to distinguish themselves in the north. Warner, with 
the Green-Mountain Regiment, was in constant service 
on the Hudson river and elsewhere, as the exigencies of 
the country required, and always met the expectations 
of the great Washington. The indefatigable exertions 
of Warner in the cause of freedom, and the coubtant 
exposure and fatigue to which he was subjected, 
undermined his constitution, and he returned to his 
family at Bennington^ toward the close of the war, a 
dying man. Disease i.a an aggravated form had struck 
its fangs into his system. But he bore the distressing 
maladies of his last days with unbounded fortitude. 
His agonies were solaced by the reflection that he had 
discharged his duty to his country, and had successfully 
struggled to obtain her freedom. He was saddened, 
however, by the reflection that. his wife and three 
children would be left in destitute circumstances. The 
lands which he once owned, had, while he was engaged 
in active service at the head of his regiment, been 

with inimical pers9ns to this country, and with them monopolizing the 
necessaries of life, in endeavoring to lessen the credit of the continental 
cnrrency, and in particular, hath exerted himself in the most falacious 
manner, to injure the property and character of some of the most zealous 
friends to the independency of the United States, and of this State like- 
wise ; all which inimical conduct is aijainst the peace and dignity of the 
freemen of this State : I therefore pray the Honorable Court to take the 
matter under their consideration, and make confiscation of the estate of 
said Levi before mentioned, according to the laws and customs of this 
State in such case made and provided. 

ETHAN ALLEN. 



DEATH OF COLONEL WARNER. o95 

sold for taxes. So much had he been engrossed by his 
duties as a patriot, that he thought not of saving his 
own property while the freedom of his beloved country 
was endangered. He was not permitted to die in his 
Bcnses. Prior to. his decease, lie was the victim of a 
raging delirium ; and, in his wild imaginings, fancied 
himself at the head of his regiment of Rangers, and, 
on his dying couch, restrained b}^ a constant guard -ot 
able-bodied men, he would fight his battles over again. 
The preternatural strength with which he was endowed, 
decreased, at last, with the progress of his insidious 
malady; and the skillful botanist, whose prescriptions 
had prolonged the lives of others, could not restore his 
own reason or save his own life. The practiced 
huntsman, the sinews of whose gigantic frame were 
hardened in the hunting-grounds of Yermont, and who 
had never feared the face of any man, paled" and 
trembled before the grim visage of that huntsman 
whose name is Death. — His earthly doom was finally 
sealed ! His earthly sands had run out! He obeyed 
the mandate to join the majority — ahilt ad plures—^ 
an*d was gathered to his fathers in the prime of life — 
"ere his eye M^as dim or his natural force abated." 
The gold was refined and the crucible was broken ! 
The toil-worn body was laid in the "narrow house 
appointed for all living," that the soul might escape 
into life. A short time before his death, he had 
removed to Roxbury, Conn., and there his ashes, were 
consigned to the earth, with all the honors of war, in a 
grave remote from the hills he loved so well, and for 
whose sake he had yielded up his life in the bloom of 
manhood. On a white marble memorial stone in 



.*f 



396 ETIIAN ALLLN AND GREEW-MODKTAIN HEKUKS. 

Koxbury, over wbicL the moss has been suffered to 
grow, may now be deciphered with much pains-taking, 
the following inscription : 

In memory of 

COL. SETH WARNER, ESQ., 

Who departod this life, Det-ember 26, A. D. 1784, 

In the 4:2d year of his jige. , 

Triumphant leader at our armies' head, j 

Whose martial a^lory struck a panic dre.ad, 
Thy warlike deeds engraven on this stone, 
Tell future ages what a hero 's done. 
Full sixteen battles he did Hght, 
For to procure his country's right 
• Oh I this brave hero, he did fall 

By death, who ever conquers all. 

When this you see, remember me. 

The proprietors of several townships had given him 
tracts of land, of considerable value, as a reward for 
his services in defense of the New-Hampshire Grants; 
but the greater part, if not all of them, were sold for 
taxes, and his heirs never received any considerable 
benefit from them. In 1777, the legislature of Ver- 
mont generously granted to his heirs 2,000 acres of 
land, in the north-west part of the county of Essex. It 
was then supposed that this land would become val- 
uable by a settlement of that part of the county; bat 
when tliat section of the state was explored, this tract 
of land was found to be of little or no value, and it 
yet remains unsettled.* 

* In 1786, Mrs. Wanier petitioned congress for remuneration for the 
services of her husband, but the amount of relief afforded her was small. 
The following are the closing sentences of her memorial : " The cir- 
cumstances of your disconsolate petitioner as to her interest and circum- 
stances in life, will appear by certificate of Daniel Shkrman, judge ^ 
probate, herewith transmitted, by which your honors will see that yofir 
unhappy petitioner hath nothing to support herself and three children, 
only her own industry — hav ng two sons and a daughter, two of whieb 



■f 



COLONEL WAENEli's WIDOW. 397 

Although the current of the war swept southward 
after the capture of Burgoyne, the people of Vermont, 
while agitated by their political contest with the 
neighboring states, were frequently harassed by par- 
ties of Indians in the interest of the British crown, 
led on by tories even more fiendish than the Indians 
themselves. Nevertheless, the greater j^ortion of the 
inhabitants who had fled from their homes on the 
approach of Burgoyne, returned again after the storm 

are unahle to earn anything by their labor. Your petitioner would fur- 
ther represent to your honors, that the colonel was so taken up in the 
defense of the country in the late war, that he wholly neglected his own 
interest, by means of which he lost ihuch of his estate, as it lay chiefly 
in lands of the state of Vermont, for want of taking seasonable care 
thereof, and although your j>etitioner had a hard task in looking after the 
colonel in his last sickness, as the colonel lay long confined, unable to 
help himself, and your petitioner bad the unhappiness to see her dear 
companion, as it were, die by inches, (as a mortification began in his feet 
and by a slow progress proceeded up to his body, which continued for 
months before it put an end to his valuable life.) Notwithstanding your 
petitioner had the chief care of looking after her dear companion, it 
yielded her some consolation that she had the opportunity of looking 
after the colonel in his last sickness. Had it been the colonel's fate to 
have fallen in battle, as many did that were engaged with him, your pe- 
titioner is informed that she should be entitled to receive some gratuity 
from your honors. Your petitioner, therefore, can but hope inasmuch as 
the death of her dear husband was in consequence of the wounds and 
hardship he received in his country's seiTice in the late war, your honors 
will be graciously pleased to take her distressed circumstances into your 
wise consideration and grant her such a bounty as that she may be able 
to support herself and children, and give thera such education as that 
Ibej might not be contemptible among the human race. The which 
your petitioner is the more embolden to ask your honors, as she hath 
been informed your honors have, in some instances, been liberal to the 
posterity of those who have distinguished themselves in their country's 
service in the late war — for which, as in duty bound, your unhajjpy 
petitioner shall ever pray." 



39^ ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

had passed. Those on the frontiers were in constant 
peril, and' many were the midnight assaults upon their 
feeble settlements, and many were the occasions upon 
which their fortitude and heroism were called into 
action. The memory of most of these has been lost 
in the lapse of years. Among the most remarkable 
of these early^settlers, who are yet remembered, wa^t 
Mrs. Storey, of Salisbury. Her husband had emi- 
grated to the Grants at an early day, but was killed 
by the fall of a tree, leaving Mrs. Storey with half a 
score of children. Thus left a widow, she endured 
almost every hardship, laboring in the field, chopping 
down timber and clearing and cultivating the soil. 
She retreated several times to Pittsford during the 
Eevolution, on account of the danger apprehended from 
the enemy, but at length she and a Mr. Stevens pre- 
pared themselves a safe retreat. This was effected by 
digging a hole horizontally into the bank, just above 
the water of Otter creek, barely sufficient to admit one 
person at a time. This passage led to a spacious 
lodging-room, the bottom of which was covered with 
straw, and upon this their beds were laid for the ac- 
commodation of the families. The entrance was con- 
cealed by bushes which hunof over it from the bank 
above. They usually retired to their lodgings in the 
dusk of evening, and left them before light in the 
morning, and this was eftected by means of a canoe, 
60 that no path or footsteps were to be seen leading to 
their subterraneous abode.* This afforded her perfect 
security during the continuance of the war. 

*Mr8. Storey and her underground room occupy a prominent place in tho 
thrilling novel of " The Green-Mountiiin Boys," by D. P. Thonipson, Esq 



ATTACK ON ROYALTON. 



399 



The most disastrous incursion of the Indians against 
the people of Yermont, resulted in the destruction of 
the town of Royalton. In the beginning of October, 
1780, '^r^ expedition was planned agains-t Newbury, on 
Connecticut river, the principal object of which was 
to capture a Lieutenant Whitcomb, who, the Cana- 
dians asserted, had mortally wounded and robbed a 
British General Gordon, during Montgomery's disas- 
trous campaign several years before. Against this man 
the British and Indians had conceived a violent aver- 
ei'on, and planned the present expedition in order to 
get him in their power. The expedition consisted of 
two hundred and ten men, nearly all of whom were 
Indians, under the command of a British officer named 
Ilorton. In proceeding up Winooski river, they fell 
in with 'two hunters, who informed them that the peo- 
ple of Newbury were expecting an attack, and had 
prepared themselves for it; and they therefore de- 
cided to direct their course toward Royalton. They 
found the inhabitants wholly unprepared for an attack, 
and an easy prey to their rapacity. After destroying 
twenty houses at Royalton and several in the neigh- 
boring towns, killing some persons who attempted to 
escape, and taking many prisoners and much plunder, 
they commenced a hasty retreat. The news quickly 
spread, and a party of the resolute inhabitants of neigh- 
boring towns soon assembled, chose a leader and com- 
menced pursuit. So great was their dispatch that 
they soon came up with the trail of the savages, in the 
niirht, who, having posted their sentries, and partaking 
excessively of the intoxicating portion of their spoils, 
bad lain down to rest, not dreaming of an attack. 



400 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKKEN-M. L^'TATN HKKOt:& 

Great was their consternation on findinsr that their 
sentries were fired upon ; but with savage cunning 
they sent word to their pursuers that if attacked, they 
would put all the prisoners to death ; and while the 
subject matter of this threat was debating among their 
enemies, they picked up their prisoners and camp- 
equipage, and made a hasty retreat under the covei 
of tlie darkness. In the morning it was thought use 
less to pursue them, and the party returned. Most of 
the prisoners eventually returned from captivity. 

Several authentic anecdotes are related of this 
expedition, which go to show the Indian character in 
a less ferocious light than it has generally been held, 
under similar circumstances. They did not evinco 
any desire to molest the women or female children. 
In some of the cases, where the women who had left 
their burning houses stood motionless and stupefied, 
not knowing what to do, the Indians brought them 
their clothes, with the assurance that " Indian would'nt 
hurt 'em." One woman had firmness enough to re- 
proach them for their conduct in burning down houses, 
and taunted them for not daring to cross the river and 
attack the men at the fort. They bore her gibes with 
the utmost patience, and only replied that "squaw 
shoukPnt talk too much." Another woman, named 
Hannah Handy, whose young son they were carrying 
ofi*, followed them with another child in her arms, and 
besought them to return her little boy. They com- 
plied ; and following up her success, she prevailed 
upon them to give up ten or fifteen of tlie children 
of her neighbors. One of the Indians olfered to carrj 
her on his back across the Btream ; she accepted hia 



ANECDOTES OF THE INDIANS. 101 

politeness, and though the water was '.ip to his waist, 
he conveyed her over in safety, and she returned with 
her little band of boys, to the surprise and joy of their 
parents. 

As the Indians usually sought only for plunder, and 
seldom molested women or children, it was customary 
for the men, when their settlements were attacked bv a 
superior force, to flee into the woods till the Indians had 
performed their work of plunder. ^ At one time a party 
of them entered the house of Mr. Stone, of Bridgeport, 
giving him but just time to escape, and after stripping 
it of every thing of value to them, the principal, San- 
hoop, put on the finest shirt it afforded, and swaggering 
away to the hogsty, selected the best hog, and officiated 
as chief butcher, flourishing his fine bloody sleeves, 
while his comrades, whooping and dancing, carried it 
away to their canoes. At another time, a party of In- 
dians, coming up the bank, were discovered by Mrs. 
Stone in season to throw some things Qut of a back 
window into the weeds, put a few in her bosom, and 
sit down to her carding. The Indians, after taking 
what they could find elsewhere, came around Mrs. 
Stone and the children. One of them seeming to sus- 
pect that she had some valuable articles concealed about 
her person, attempted to pull them from her bosom; 
whereupon she struck him on the face with her card so 
violently that he withdrew his hand, while a tall young 
savage was flourishing: his tomahawk over her head. 
Upon this an old Indian cried out, '-''Good squaw^ good 
sqnaw^^"* and burst into a laugh of deri8i,">n at his. com- 
panions for being beaten. On another occasion, pre- 
vious to the evacuation of Ticonderoga by the British, 



402 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 

a party of Americans plundered the bouse of a tory,^ 
by the name o^' Prindle, who was a neighbor to Mr. 
Stone. Prindle, not owning the house, set it on tiie, 
and, retreating on board a British armed vessel on the 
lake, implicated Mr. Stone in the robbery and burn- 
ing. He, anticipating mischief, kept in th6 bushes near 
the bank to observe their movements, where the British 
discovered him, and let off a volley of grape-8hot,which 
struck among the trees above him, and also fired upon 
his house, some of the shot entering the room where the 
family was. They then sent a boat on shore, took 
Mr. Stone and carried him a prisoner to Ticonderoga, 
where he remained three weeks. Mrs. Stone expecting 
he would be sent to Quebec, went to him in a canoe, a 
distance of twelve miles, with no other company than 
her brother, a lad only ten years old, to carry hira 
clothes, leaving her two children, the oldest but four 
years old, alone at home. She had to tarry all night 
before she could gain admittance. On her return g'he 
found her children safe, the oldest having understood 
enough of her directions to feed and take care of the 
younger.* 

In 1777, the town of Brandon was visited by a party 
of Indians, who killed two men, George and Aaron 
Robins, made prisoners of most of the other inhabit- 
ants, and set fire to their dwellings and to a saw-mill 
which they had erected. Joseph Barker, his wife, and 
a child eighteen months old, were among the prisoners. 
Mrs. Barker, not being in a con4ition to traverse the 

* See Thompson's Gazetteer of Vermont — one of the most complete 
and interesting works of the kind, which should he in the hands of 
every one proud of the name of Vennonler 



\ 

ADNLKSE CLAIMS ON VERMONT. 403 

wilderness, was set at liberty with her child. The next 
night, with no other shelter than the tr^es of the forest 
and the canopy of heaven, and with no other com{any 
than the infant above named, she had anotlier child. 
She was found the following day and removed with hot 
children to Pittsford. Mr. Barker was carried to Mid- 
dlebury, where, feigning to be sick, he succeeded in 
the night in making his escape, and arrived safely at 
Pittsford. 

The rival claims of New York and New Hampshire 
to the territory of Vermont, came near proving fatal 
to the separate identity of the infant state. A propo- 
sition was made that they should authorize congress to 
arbitrate betwv^eu them, in which court the matter 
would doubtless have been compromised by giving 
New York the west and New Hampshire the east slope 
of the Green Mountains. To such a division of Ver- 
mont, both states were willing to accede. But in this 
emergency Massachusetts interfered, and brought for- 
ward a third claim to the territory in dispute, founded 
on the fact that the original grant to Mason, of the 
colony of New Hampshire, extended only sixty mi^ea 
from the ocean, and that all west of Mason's line be- 
longed to Massachusetts — that its right had not' only 
been conceded by New Hampshire, but by the crown, 
because, while the former had distinctly declined to 
support Fort Dummer on the ground that it was be- 
yond its jurisdiction, the crown had decided that it 
belonged to Massachusetts to maintain that important 
frontier post, which was done at a great expense. This 
claim was certainly more plausible than either of the 
others, because Massachusetts had been tlie first actual 



404 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 

occupant of the territory, and bad defended it against 
the common enemy. The original charters from the 
crown were ambiguous and even contradictory, and 
were quite as favorable to the claims of Massachusetts 
as to those of either of the other states. That Massa- 
chusetts really wished to enforce this claim is not sup- 
posed, for the statesmen from that glorious colony were 
favorable to the independence of Vermont, and their 
movement had the effect, which was undoubtedly its 
object, of saving Vermont from dismemberment by 
congress. Massachusetts declining to submit its claims 
to the arbitrament of congress, relieved the young 
etate from the impending peril. The question was one 
of great delicacy for congress. Every exertion was 
required to defend the country against the British arms, 
and the imminent danger that would occur from arous- 
ing the enmity of either Kew York or New Hampshire 
must be its apology for pursuing a vacillating and in- 
decisive course in regard to the difficult question urged 
upon it by the conflicting parties. Under the pressure 
of these circumstances, congress, in 1780, passed a res- 
olution declaring the course of Vermont to be " subver- 
sive of the peace and welfare of the United States." 
Although its representatives had been excluded from 
any participation in the councils of the nation, the 
fidelity of Vermont to the cause of freedom and the 
country was unquestioned, for its heroes had given the 
most signal and important proofs of this. It is not 
surprising, however, that when the above-named reso- 
lution was adopted by congress. Governor Chittenden 
should have replied, that if Vermont was not included 
in the United States, it was at liberty to offer or accept 



INUKPEI^DENCE OF VEKMONTEKS. 405 

terms foi tlie cessation of hostilities with Great Britaiii. 
But, he added, the people of Vermont were so strongly 
attached to liberty that they would again ask to be ad- 
mitted to the colonial union. Ira Allen and Stephen 
R. Bradley were deputed as agents to renew^ this pro- 
position to congress. The consideration of the repre- 
sentations of these agents was indefinitely postponed, 
and the question was left undetermined. 

Vermont was fortunate in having statesmen who pos- 
sessed tlie courage and the ability req-uisite to the de- 
fense of its just rights. Despite the arms of New York 
and New Hampshire, and the frowns of congress, they 
found the means to successfully maintain the independ- 
ence of the little community for which they acted. They 
now resorted to a course of policy which placed them 
in a more powerful attitude, and determined to enforce 
a compliance with their demands. The towns in New 
Hampshire, which had once been accepted as a portion 
of Vermont and afterw^ard excluded by a resolution 
of the legislature, again solicited to have its juris- 
diction extended over them. This was done. The 
government of Vermont then turned westward with 
a view to a further extension of its limits.* After 
consultation with the people in that portion of New 

• The following spirited lines, the authorof which is unknown, very hap- 
pily express the sentiments of tJiH Vermonters during that tiying period : 

Ho — all to tho botders ! Vermonters, come down. 
With your breeches of deer skin, and jackets of brown ; 
With yom red woolen caps. aJid your moco^isins, come 
To the gathering summons of trumpet aud druno I 

Come down with your rifles! — Ut gray wolf and for 
Howl on in the shade of thoir primitive rocks ; 

1<^ 



406 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUXTAIN HEROES. 

York, Yerraont boldly claimed that its boundary line 
extended from the point where the Massachusetts line 
would touch the Hudson, thence up that river to its 

Let the bear feed securely from pig-pen and stall ; 
Here 's a two-legged game for jour powder and ball 1 

On our south come the Dutchmen, enveloped in grease ; 
And, arming for battle, while canting of peace ; 
On our east, craftv Meshech has gathered his band, 
To hang up our leaders, and eat out our land. 

Ho — all to the rescue ! For Satan shall work • 

No gain for his legions of Hampshire and York ! 
They claim our possessions — the pitiful knaves — 
The tribute we pay, shall be prisons and graves I 

Let Clinton and Ten Broek, with bribes in their hands, 
Still seek to divide us, and parcel our lands ; — 
"We 've coats for our traitors, whoever they are ; 
The wai-p is of feathers ~ the filling of t^r I 

Does the "Old Bay State » threaten ? Does Congress complain 
Swarms Hampshire in arma on our borders again ? 
Bark the war-dogs of Britain aloud on the lake ? 
Let'em come ! — what they can, they are welcome to takft 

What seek they among us ? The pride of our wealth 
Is comfort, contentment, and labor and health ; 
And lands which, hs Freemen, we only have trod. 
Independent of all, save the mercies of God- 
Yet we owe no allegiance ; we bow to no throne ; 
Our ruler is law, and the hw is our own ; 
Our leaders themselves are our own fellow-men. 
Who can handle the sword, or the sythe. or the pen. 

Our wives are all true, and our daughters are fair. 
With their blue eyes of smiles, and their light flowing hair 
All brisk at their wheels till the dark even-fall, 
Then blithe at the aleigh-rido, tbe husking, and baU ! 



A POETIC APPEAL. 407 

source, and from its source due north to the Canada 
line, comprising all the land east of the Hudson, and 
tor thirty miles west of Lake Champlain, thus doubling 

We 've sheep on the hill-sides : we've cows on the plain ; 
And gay-tasseled corn-fields, and rank-growing grain ; 
There are deer on the mountains ; and wood-pigeons fly 
From the crack of our muskets, like clouds in the sky. 

And there 's fish in our streamlets and rivers, which take 
Their course from the hills to our broad-bosomed lake ; 
Through rock-arched Winooski the salmon leaps free. 
And the portly shad follows all fresh from the sea. 

Like a sunbeam the pickerel glides through his pool • 
And the spotted trout sleeps where the water is cool, 
Or darts from his shelter of rock and of root 
At the beaver's quick plunge, or the angler's pursuit 

And ours are the mountains, which awfully rise 

TUl they rest their green heads on the blue of the skies; 

And ours are the forests, unwasted, unshorn, 

Save where the wild path of the tempest is torn. 

And though savage and wild be this climate of ours, 
And brief be our seasoii of fruits and of fiowers, 
Far dearer the blast round our mountains which raves, 
Than the sweet summer zephyr, which breathes over slav-s. 
Hurra for Vermont ! for the land which we till 
Must have sons to defend her from valley and hill ; 
Leave the harvest to rot on the field where it gi-ows, . 
And the reaping of wheat for the reaping of foes. 

Far from Michiscoui's valley, to where 
P.)080om8uck steals down from his wood-circled lair, 
From Shocticook river to Lutterlock town,— 
Ho— all to the rescue I Vermonters, come down I 

Come York or come Hampshire.— come traitors and knaves ; 
Ii ye rule o'nr our land, ye shall rule o'e; our graves; 
Our vow i« recorded — our banner unfurled ; 
In the name of Vermont we defv uU tU wo, Id! 



408 ETHAN AI.LEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. , 

the former limits of the state, .N'otwithstanding the 
difficulties which surrounded the j)eople of Yermont, 
the New-Hampshire towns on its east border, and the 
New- York towns on its western limits, which were 
thus summarily annexed, were eager for their union 
What arguments could have been urged to induce them 
to join their fortunes with those of Yermont, it is not 
easy to imagine. The fact gives, at all events, a strik- 
ing proof of the skill of the trusted leaders of the 
Green-Mountain Boys. 

The British, ready to avail themselves of every ad- 
vantage which the Yermont difficulties might yield 
them, were gradually increasing their force in Canada, 
and another campaign against the northern frontier 
was unquestionably determined on. The indications 
of this were alarming. Knowing the effect that, the 
apprehension of this would have upon the people, 
the British generals entertained the hope that they 
might d.etach Yermont from the United States and 
make it a British possession.' In the expectation of ac- 
complishing this. Colonel Beverly Johnson wrote a let- 
ter to Ethan Allen, dated March 30, 1780. He began 
his letter by expressing a wish that his proposals might 
be received with the same good intention with which 
they were made. He then proceeds: — "I have often 
been informed that you and most of the inhabitants 
of Yermont, are opposed to the wild and chimerical 
scheme of the Americans in attempting to separrate 
from Great Britain and establish an independent gov- 
ernment of their own ; and that you would willingly 
assist in uniting America to Great Britain, and in 
restorin^'j that happy constitution so wantonly and 



BRITISH OVEKTUKES TO ALLEN. 4.09 

Tinad visedlv destroyed. If 1 have been riglitlj informed, 
and these shonld be your sentiments and inclination, I 
beg that yon will communicate to me without reserve, 
whatever proposals you would wish to make to the 
commander-in-chief; and I herel)y promise that 1 will 
faithfully lay them before him according to your direc- 
tions, and flatter myself I can do it with as good eftect 
as any person whatever. I can make no proposals to 
you until I know your sentiments ; but think, upon 
your taking an active part, and embodying the inhab- 
itants of Vermont under the crown of England, you 
may obtain a separate government under the king. If 
you should think proper to send a friend here with 
proposals to the general, he shall be protected, and 
allowed to return w^henever he pleases." 

Allen communicated the contents of this letter to 
Governor Chittenden, and it w^as decided that no 
answer should be returned. In February, 1781, 
Johnson again wrote to Allen, renewing his former 
proposal. Allen communicated these letters to con- 
gress, with a powerful letter vindicating the policy of 
Vermont. He closed it with the following striking 
sentences: "I am confident that congress will not 
dispute my sincere attachment to the cause of my 
country, though I do not hesitate to say, I am fully 
grounded in opinion, that Vermont has an indubitable 
right to agree on terms of a cessation of hostilities 
with* Great Britain, provided the United States persist 
in rejecting her application for a union with them. 
For Vermont would be, of all people, most miserable, 
were she obliged to defend the independence of the 
United claiming States, and they be, at the same time. 



41 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

at full liberty to overturn and ruin the independence of 
Vermont. When congress consider the circumstances 
of tliis state, they will, I am persuaded, be more sur- 
prised that I have transmitted them the inclosed letters, 
than that I have kept tliem in custody so long ; for I 
am as resolutely determined to defend the independ- 
ence of Vermont, as congress is that of the United 
States ; and rather than fail, I will retire with the 
hardy Green-Mountain Boys into the desolate caverns 
of the mountains, and wage war with human nature 
at large." 

Soon after, the British, under the command of Gen- 
eral Ilaldimand, appeared in great force at the north 
end of Lake Champlain. Governor Chittenden sent a 
flag of truce, proposing an exchange of prisoners. 
General Haldimand returned a favorable rej^ly, and 
Colonel Ira Allen and Major Joseph Fay were ap- 
pointed commissioners on the part of Vermont, to 
negotiate the exchange. During the interview with 
the British agents, the latter renewed the proposal for 
Vermont to place itself under the royal authority. 
Allen and Fay, without committing themselves, lett 
the impression upon the minds of the British generals 
that the proposed arrangement might be perfected. 
This was done because Vermont had no other way ot 
protecting itself against an army of ten thousand 
royal troops, which had been poured into Canada. 
Accordingly, a formal attempt at negotiation 'was 
made — Allen and Fay being secretly appointed com- 
missioners by Governor Chittenden, and General 
Haldimand acting for the British. Their negotiations 
were continued for a long period, and their existence 



VERMONT LEADEK8 Vlxs^DICATED. 411 

has been adduced by historians as evidence of a dis- 
position on the part of the Vermont leaders to join 
the enemy. The full history of those events, when 
properly written, will show that the odium thus cast 
upon tlie names of these men is grossly unjust ; tiij,t 
they were not only inspired by the purest devotion to 
the cause of liberty, but that their policy actually kjept 
at bay a large hostile army, which otherwise would 
have been able to march through the northern portion 
of the union, (Washington being employed at the south.) 
and to crush the hopes of freedom. The following 
papers, never before published, which have been 
politely furnished for these pages by the Hon. Henry 
Stevens, the distinguished and indefatigable Vermont 
antiquary, from his very large and rich collection of 
documents in reference to the early history of Vermont, 
will not only prove this assertion, but serve to show, 
when the history of Chittenden, the Aliens, and other 
Vermont leaders of that day is properly viewed, that 
chey performed services in behalf of their country, 
which entitle them to the lasting admiration and 
gratitude of those who enjoy the blessings of the 
freedom which their services so greatly aided in 
establishing. Numbers I. and H. are the conmiis- 
sions furnished to Allen and Fay; number HI. is 
General Haldimand's commission to the British agent; 
and number IV. is the report of interviews with Allen 
and Fay, as given to General Haldimand by his agent. 

I. 

State of Vermont^ June^ 1781. 

Whereas Col. Ira Allen has been with a Flag to the 
Province of Quebeck for the Purpose of settling a 



il2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAXx\ llEKUES. 

♦ 

Cartel or Exchange o Prisoners and has used his best 
Policy bj Feigning or Endeavouring to make them 
believe that the State of Vermont had a Desire to Ne- 
o:ociate a Treaty of Peace with Brittain — therebv to 
Prevent their Immediate Invasion or Incursion upon 
the Frontiers of this State as appears by the Letter Jie 
sent to General Haldimand Dated May 8th, 1781 In- 
closing a copy of Col. Beverly Robinson's Letter to 
Gerj'l Allen and General Allen's Letter to Congress aa 
also a Letter of Col. Allen sent to Congress and the 
resolutions of the Assembly of Vermont approbating 
the same, as also the circular Letter to the several 
States Delivered to Dundas according to his Verbal 
Peport made us this Day — we are of the opinion that 
the critical circumstances this State is in being out of 
union with the United States and thereby unable to 
make that Vigorous Defence we could wish for — think 
it to be a Necessary Political manoeuver to save the 
Frontiers of this State. 

JoNAS Fay Tho's Chittenden 

Sam'l Sa.fford Moses Robinson 

Sam'l RnumsoN Tim'y Brownson 

Joseph Fay John Fasset. 

11. 

State of Vermont^ 10 July^ 1781. 

Whereas this State is not in union with the Unitec^ 
States altho' often Requested i%c. 

This the British Power are acquainted with and are 
endeavouring to take the advantage of these disputes 
Thereby to court a connection with this State on the 
Principle of Establishing it a British Province — from 
various accounts we are w^ell assured that the British 
have a force in Canada larger than this State can at 
present raise and support in the field and this State 
having no assurance of any assistance from any or 
either of the United States however hard the British 
forces may crowd on this State from the Province of 
Quebeck by the advantage of the waters of Lake 
Cijamplain &c. Altho' several Expresses have been 
Hent bv the GovV of this State to several of the 



THE BKITrSII TKEA.T I"Oii VEIIMONT. 113 

respective Guv'rs of the United States with the mobt ur- 
creiit requests to kuow whether iiny assistance would bo 
atibrdecl in such case and no otHcial answer lias been 
made by either ot* them. 

Wherefore we the subscribers do fully approbate 
Col. Ira Allen sending a Letter dated Sunderland July 
10th 1781 and directed to General Ilald inland and 
another Letter to Captain Justice Sherwood, Purport- 
ing an Intention of this State's' becoming a Brit sh 
Province *Szq. This we consider as a Political proceed- 
iire to prevent the British forces invading this State 
and being a necessary step to Preserve this State from 
Kuin wheif we have too much reason to apprehend 
that this ms been the wishes of some of our assuming 
neighbours in the mean time to strengthen the State 
against any Insult until this- State receive better treat- 
ment from the United States or obtain a seat in 
Congress. 

Teg's Chittenden J. Fay 

John Fasset Sam'l Kobinson 

- Tim'y Bk(^wnson JoshPH Fay. 

III. 

"Having given you full power in my name to nego- 
tiate in conjunction with M with the people of 

Yermgnt for the exchange of prisoners by niy Letter 
of the 29th October. I now instruct you in what you 
may assure and promise to them as the means of ac- 
cornmodation, and their return to their allegiance. 
Sensible of the Injustice which Individuals in the New 
York Government attempted again-st tliem in soliciting 
and obtaining Grants of Lands which had in conse- 
quence of Gran^ from New Hampshire been culti- 
vated by the labour and industry of the Inhabitants of 
the Green Mountains, I always regretted the measures 
which wei-e taken by the Government of New York 
an! felt compasiion for the unhappy peo])]e who were 
the objects of them — I have always been of opinion 
that a people who during the last war were so ready 
on every occasion to oppose the Enemies of Great Brir- 
ain and never have been prevailed uj)on to seperate 

18^ 



i 



4i-i ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOU^■TAIN dEKOKS. 

themselves from a Country with which tliej were inti- 
mately connected by relio^ion laws and language had 
their properties been secured to them. It is therefore 
with great cheerfulness that I authorise you to give 
these people the most positive assurances that their 
country will be erected into a seperate province, inde- 
pendant and unconnected with every Government in 
America, and will be entitled to every prerogative and 
Immunity which is promised to other Provinces in your 
Proclamation of the King's Commissioners. This I 
hope will be sufficient to remove every jealousy of 
Great Britain wishing to deprive them of their Liber- 
ties or of my ever becoming an InstrumenLto oppress 
them. I sincerely wish to bring back to trieir allegi- 
ance brave and unhappy people, so that they may en- 
"oy the Blessings of peace Liberty and an honest 
ndustry. From the report you made ine, I consider 
these people as sincere and candid in their proposi- 
tions. 1 will therefore act towards them with the sin- 
cerity of a Soldier unpractised in deceits and chicane, 
and you may assure them that I would be sorry to en- 
gage them in any enterprise which might prove ^ruin- 
ous to them. I am sensible that their situation is 
delicate that the utmost caution is necessary not only 
with regard to the powerful Eneinies which surround 
them, but with regard to their own people, whose pre- 
judices are great and many, and who cannot at lirst 
view, see the advantaares which will accrue to America 
in general as well as to themselves in particular from 
a reconciliation with the mother Country. I am so 
much convinced of the present infatuation of these peo- 
ple, and so far removed from expecting that the people 
with whom you negotiate will betray^ny trust reposed 
in them that I agree that this negotiation should cease 
and any step that leads to it be forgotten, provided the 
Congress shall grant the State of Vermont a Seat in 
their Assembly, and acknowledge its independency. I 
tru^t that time, and other methods, will bring about a 
reconciliation, and a return to their allegiances, and 
liope, and expect, they will act towards me with the 
Bame frankness and s'ncerity, and apprise me by yaur 



IK A A LLE N 's NEGOTIATION. 41 5 

means of their intentions, prospects and measures, so 
that 1 mav be more able to assist them. 

^' In order to entitle the Inhabitants of the State of 
Vermont to the provisions of Half Pay which His Ma- 
jesty has been pleased to make to the officers of Pro- 
vincial Corps who take arms in support of his Govern- 
ment, 1 propose to raise two Battallions consisting of 
Ten Companies each to be commanded by Messrs Al- 
len and Chittenden or any other whom the Governoi' 
and Council of Vermont shall appoint with the rank 
and pay of Lieutenant Colonels Commandants of which 
I shall myself be Colonel, but to which the Lieutenant 
Colonels Commandants shall, subject to my approba- 
tion, have the xVppointment of the Officers and if the 
defence of the state should require it more will here- 
after be raised on the same footing. 

'^ For the further encouragement of the persons who 
shall exert themselves in promoting the happy re-union 
I promise besides the above appointments, that they 
shall have Gratuities suitable to their merits. 

F. Haldimand. 

QcEUEc, 20th December, 1780." 

IV. 

Substance of what passed in Conference loith Col. Ira 
Allen, between the 8tk and 26th of May, 1781.* 

" 8th. Colonel Allen says, he is not authorised to 
treat of a Union, but is verbally instructed by Gov- 
ernor Chittenden and General Allen to lay their pres- 
ent situation before General Haldimand, and to inform 
him that matters are not yet ripe for any permanent 
proposals, tiiat they with some part of the Council, are 
anxious to bring about a neutrality, being fully con- 
vinced that Congress never intended to adnn't them as 
a State, but they dare not make any agreement with 
Britain until the populace are better modelled for the 
purpose ; wish, however, to settle a Cartel for the Ex- 
change of Prisoners, and thereby keep open a door for 

• Want of room compels tlie omission of a portion of this document ; 
the most imporJani portion, and th*; spirit of \hf whole arc given. 



41 6 KTHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOFNtAJN nKKOES. 

further negociation. ^ ^ 10th. Walked and discoursed 
fully with Colonel Allen. He is very cautious and in- 
tricate. I urged him to make some pro})08al8, telling 
liim it is now in the power of Yermont to become a 
Glorious Government under Great Britain — to be the 
Seat of peace and plenty, with every degree of Liberty 
that a free people can wish to enjoy. That he must 
see General Haldimand had in his instructions to me, 
conceded every thing he could in reason ask or expect, 
lie replied General Haldimand did not allow tliem to 
choose tlieir own Governor, a privilege they never could 
relinquish with propriety: that when they were ripe for 
proposals they could not go farther than Keur^ulity 
during the War, at the end of whicfi they must as a sep- 
erate Government be subject to the then ruling power 
if that power would give them a free Charter in every 
sense of the word ; but if not, they would return to 
the Mountains, turn Savages, and fight the Devil, Hell 
and Human Nature at large. I told him Vermont 
could not accomplish those extravagant flights : ^ * 
I did not pretend to know how far these Chimeras 
might intimidate Congress, but I could assure him 
General Haldimand had too much experience and good 
sense to take any further notice of tliem than bv that 
Contempt they meritted. Colonel Allen now began to 
reason with more coolness, and made up a long chain 
of arguments advanced by General Allen to me at 
Castletown. I told him those arguments had already 
been exhibited to General Haldimand, and were then 
satisfactory to him, but I was certain the General would 
ijow expect some further advances; would therefore 
advise him, if he could not make any propositions in 
behalf^of Vermont to give his Excellency some reasons 
why he did not. The conversation again became warm 
and spirited. 

"11th. Colonel Allen observed he did not think the 
parliament had ])assed any Act in favor of Vermont. 1 
answered I did not think the Parliament of Great Britain 
has yet considered Vennont of consequence enough 
to engross the attention of that Assembly. He replied 



INTERVIEW WITH ENGLISH AGENT. 417 

in his opinion Yermont must be considered of conse- 
quence enou<)^li to enofross the attention of Parliament 
before any permanent Union can take place between 
Great Britain and that penple. 12th. This day had a 
\i)U^ and very friendly conference with Colonel Allen. 
He seems anxious to convince me that a respectable 
number of the leading-Men of Yermont are endeavour- 
ing to bring about a Union by way of Neutrality. 
He appears less reserved, and again repeated the Ar- 
guments advanced by General Allen res])ecting the 
impossibility of an Union with Great Britain until 
Yermont had fortiiied herself against the neighbour- 
ing States by a iirm internal Union and observed they 
must tirmly unite the extra Territories lately taken in 
and form the population into a proper system for such 
a revolution. * -^^ * Allen thinks when the Western 
Union is complete they can raise Ten Thousand fighting 
Men. He says this great and sudden revolution has 
been, brought al)out upon the principles of an Union 
with Great Britain, or at least of Yermont being a neu 
tral power during the War. Allen does not aggree 
with Mr. Johnson'that the Majority wish to compromise 
with Britain, but says their prejudices are yet so great 
that it would not be safe to propose it but to a few of 
the population and they have not yet dared to mention 
it to half of the ruling Men. 

13th. Colonel Allen still appears desirous to con- 
vince me that the principal Men in Yermont are striv- 
ing to prepare the people for a change in favour of 
Government. He wishes me to represent every thing 
in the most favourable manner to the General and 
hopes he will not be impatient. He says it is as requi- 
site the people should be prepossessed against the pro- 
ceedings of Congress before they are invited to a 
Union with Britain as it is for a Christian New light 
to be perfectly willing to be before he can be- 
come a true Convert. This Evening Mr. Allen ob- 
served the bustles among the powers of Europe 

W)uld, within six Months change the face of American 
Affairs but did not know nor care, whether for the 
better or worse. I replied he must have a predom- 



418 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

inant wish as J^eiitrality was, in principle, in mv opin- 
ion inadmissable. He said he should not deny b'lt 
principle inclined him and Yermont in general fur the 
success of America but interest and self-preservation 
if Congress continued to oppress them, more strongly 
inclined them to wish for the success of Great Britain, 
and fight like Devils against their oppressors, be they 

who they might. 

********* 

"15th. Colonel Allen seems exceedingly anxious to 
return and ot^en says his presence will be very neces- 
sary at the next Assembly, as they will not know how 
to proceed until they hear what he has to report froni 
General Haldimand. 

"18th. I endeavoured to persuade Colonel Allen to 
make some overtures to General Haldimand but he 
still says he is not authorised and cannot do any thing 
of the kind. He thinks the General will be convinced 
"^y the reason he has given in writing that the leaders 
in Vermont are doing all that is possible to effect an 
Union or Neutrality, and that General Allen was 
obliged for his own safety, to send Colonel Kobinson'a 
Letters to Congress, as it was previously known in 
public that such Letters had been sent to liim.* * * 

"23rd. Colonel Allen expatiates on the dangers and 
difficulties attendino^ the bringing about a Re-union as 
a number of the Council, and the major part of the 
Legislature have not as yet the least idea of anything 
fartiier than neutrality, and many of them are ignorant 
of that. He expresses fears that it will not be accom- 
plished though he sincerely wishes it may. He still 
thinks the principles on which America first took arms 
were just, but he sees, with regret, that Congress has 
-earned to play the Tyrant, and is convinced that it is 
for the interest and safety of Vermont to accept of 
General Haldimand's terms. I told him he talked well, 
but I wished he had said as much when he first arrived, 
for however convinced I may be of his candour the 
change gave some room for suspicion that he now acts 
from design. He replied that General Haldimand's 
candour demands the same from him, and that he has 



INTERVIEW WITH ENGLISH AGENT. . 410 

not altered his sentiments, but only throws them out 
more freely than he at lirst intended till he had faither 
instructions from his Employers, but the candid open 
manner in which the General had written forbid his 
acting with any disguise. 

" 24th. Colonel Allen much the same in conversa- 
tion as yesterday, but observes that he knows the Gen- 
eral will very soon hear what reports he makes, and 
how he conducts himself after he gets home, he wishes 
me clearly to inform the General with the method he 
must take to comply with his demand of undeceiving 
the other States respecting the Truce, &c. He says he 
must, as far as he dares possess the minds of the peo- 
ple with the idea of a re-union. He shall therefore tell 
their own Othcers Commanding at Castletown that he 
cannot tell what may take place, but tftey must keep 
themselves in readiness for all events. But to the other 
States he shall positively declare that no Truce nor 
probability of one subsists between General Haldi- 
mand and Yermont, and this he should have done for 
their own safety. But in com])liance with the Gen- 
eral 's desire he shall be very particular in this declara- 
tion. 

'25th. I communicated C't. Matthews' letter to Col- 
onel Allen respecting News. He says the Kews gives 
him no further anxiety than to excite in him a desire 
to know how this war will terminate for under the pre- 
sent uncertainty of Vermont, he does not know whether 
this Kews is favorable or otherwise. But he well 
knows that he and his Family have large Fortunes 
wliich they do not intend to lose, if there is a possibility 
of saving them. At all risks he iS determined that 
Congress shall not have the parcelling of his Lands to 
their avaricious Minions. 1 then shewed him C't. Mat- 
thews' Letter of the General's sentiments. He a])pea]ed 
very much pleased with it, and engaged his honor that 
the General should hear from their Assembly by the 
20th of next July and as much sooner as possible, but 
did not think he'^shouhl be al)le to send any certain ac- 
count of the result until that time, as they are not to 
assemble till about the middle of June and must sit 



420 F.TH.\N ALLEN AND GREEN-MOTJNTAIN 1IEK01:.S. 

gometime before the Business could be fairly opened to 
the wliole House, after which it would necessarily oc- 
casion long and warm Dcl)ates let it turn out as it might 
in the end. Mr. Allen and myself have- agreed on a 
signal for his Messenger, which we put in writing and 
both signed. Should General Ilaldimand iind it abso- 
lutely necessary to send a private Express to Vermont, 
Colonel Allen desires it may be by a man of trust who 
may be directed to make himself known, either to 
Governor Ciiittenden Colonel Allen or General Allen 
or one of tlie following Gentlemen Colonel Brownson 
Dr. Fay Judge Faut or C't. Lyon. The Contents of the 
message should be a secret to the Messenger written on 
a small piece of paper, which he should be directed to 
swallow, or otherwise destroy if in danger of being 
taken by a scotit from New York and he should be very 
careful to shun the Vermont Scouts. On these condi- 
tions Col. Allen engaged that the Messenger shall be 
itnmediately sent back. Colonel Allen after express- 
ing much satisfaction with the polite treatment he had 
received embarked about 12 o'clock. 

These neg-otiations were maintained until the close 

of the war; Ira Allen,* the principal agent in the 

affair, always finding a plausible reason for postponing 

final and decisive action. But while he, and a few 

others, were thus successful in preventing any hostile 

movement against the northern frontier of the United 

• Ira Allen was born in 1752. He went to Vermont at a very early 
age. After the establishment of the government, he was the first secre- 
tary of state. Subsequently he was treasurer, member of the council and 
surveyor-general. He rose to the rank of major-general of militia, and 
in 1705 went to Europe to purchase arms for the supply of his state. 
Returning with several thousand muskets, and some cannon, he was cap- 
tured by an En£;li.sh vessel and carried to England, where he was accused 
of supplying the Irish, then in open rebellion, with arms. A litigation 
of eitfht years, in the court of admiralty, was the consequence; but a 
final decision was made in his favor. He died at Philadelphia, January 
7, 1814. aged 62 years. 



IKA ALLEN. 421 

States, the people at large were in entire ignorance 
concerning the negotiations which were carried on, al- 
though agents were, during the whole progress of the 
aftkir, pabhing and repassing the borders. 

Vermont, after completing its eastern and western 
armies, sent delegates to congress to again undertake 
to have the state admitted into the union. Jn 1781 
congress appointed a committee to confer with tliem, 
but adopted a resolution, declaring that the negotia- 
tion of the independence of Termont could not take 
place, unless the state should recede to its former limits, 
and relinquish its claim to the territory which it had 
acquired from New Hampshire on the east, and New 
York on the west. Vermont at first refused to do so, 
but at this juncture. General Washington opened a 
correspondence with Governor Chittenden on the sub- 
. ject, and the candor, good sense, and conciliatory style 
of the Father of his Country, effected what congress 
could not have done, and Vermont finally consented to 
comply with the requirement in regard to its bounda- 
ries. But after this had been done, congress found 
occasion to defer its final action in regard totheadmis- 
eion of Vermont into the union. 

Notwithstanding the unsettled and embarrassing 
state of her relations to congress and the neighboring 
states, the internal tranquillity of Vermont had been, 
for some time, but little disturbed. Her political insti- 
tutions had been gradually maturing, and the organi- 
zation of her government had assumed a regularity and 
efficiency which commanded the obedience and respect 
of the great body of the citizens. New York had not 
reiinpuishod her claim to iurit-di('ri(»n over the territorv, 



4'22 KTIJAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUiNTAIN HEROES. 

but she bad not, of late, made any serious effort 
to exercise it ; and bad contented berself with opposing 
the admission of Vermont into the union, and by en- 
deavoring, in the manner we have just related, to bring 
over the people to her own interest. But while a vast 
majority of the people of Vermont yielded a willing 
obedience to her authority, and were ready to make 
almost any sacrifice to sustain her independence and 
o-overnment, there were some amonor her citizens whose 
submission was reluctknt, and who were ready to 
embrace any favorable opportunity to renounce their 
allegiance and support the claims of New York. 

Tins opposition was principally confined to the town 
of Guilford — at that period the most populous village 
in the state. Tlie two parties in this town, (the friends 
of Vermont and those of New York,) had each an 
organization of their town ; and, in some cases, there • 
were two sets of town-officers. Between these, skirm- 
ishes often occurred, which not unfrequently ended in 
bloodshed. The enmity of these parties was carried to 
an alarming extent during the years 1783 and 1784. 
Social order was entirely at an end ; and even physi- 
cians were not allowed to pursue their avocations, with- 
out procuring a pass from the several committees. In 
this unpleasant state of affairs. General Ethan Allen 
w^as directed to call out the militia, for the purpose of 
enforcing the laws, and of suppressing the symptoms 
of civil war exhibited among the people of Windham 
county. In accordance with these directions, ho 
marched from Bennington with a force of about one 
hundred Green-Mountain Boys ; and, upon his arrival at 
Guilford, he issued the following unique proclamation ' 



ETHAN AI.LEN AN AUTHOR. 423 

"1, Etlian Allen, declare, that unless the people of 
Guiltbrd i)eaceably submit to the authority of Ver- 
mont, 1 will make the town as desolate as were the 
cities of Sodom and Gomorrah ! " After some resist- 
ance, from the adherents of Kew York, Allen was 
enabled to enforce their subjection to the laws of 
Vermont. 

Affairs continued in this condition until 1789, when 
liberal councils prevailed in New York, and the legis- 
lature consented to the independence of Vermont 
There was no further obstacle to the admission of Ver- 
mont into the union, and on the 4:th of March, 1791, 
the auspicious end to all the difficulties which had 
attended the organization of the new state, was 
formally announced. 

Previous to the admission of Vermont into the un- 
ion, Ethan Allen w^as actively engaged in the main- 
tenance of the rights of the people he loved so well, 
and of the state which his exertions had been so 
greatly instrumental in founding. After that event, he 
retired to private life, and in the intervals of relaxa- 
tion from business, wrote a work entitled, "Reason the 
only Oracle of Man," the aim of which, we regret to 
say, was to controvert the truths of revealed religion. 
He gave great attention to its composition, and was 
very proud of it. lie had been for many years in 
the habit of making memoranda of his thouijhts on 
the 8ur)ject, and evidently believed his work would 
subvert, Christianity. Its style was the same which 
characterized his political pamphlets — bold, artful, 
egotistical and unpolished, but evincing remarkably 
strong mental powers. Only one edition was ever 



424: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

published, and the greater portion of that was destroyed 
by the burning of the ofhce in which it was printed. 
It is now rarely to be met with, and the existence 
of the work upon which Ethan Allen confidently 
relied for enduring fame, is scarcely known to one 
in a thousand of those who remember with patriotic 
pride, the sturdy Hero of Ticonderoga. 

A very afi'ecting story has long been current in con- 
nection with Ethan Allen's peculiar views concerning 
religion. It is that one of his daughters who had been 
instructed in the principles of Christianity by a pious 
mother, when about to die, expressed a desire to see 
her father. When he appeared at her bedside, she 
said to him, "I am about to die — shall I go to my 
grave with the principles you have taught me, or shall 
I believe what my mother has taught me?" His re- 
ply, it is said, was, "Believe what your mother has 
taught you!" The anecdote, although often quoted, 
as a striking illustration of the inefficiency of infidelity 
on the death-bed, and the consolation that is afi'orded 
by a strong religious faith at such a time, has not, it is 
asserted by Allen's family, any foundation in truth. 

Notwithstanding his views on religion, Allen was a 
thoroughly honest man, and detested any thing like 
falsehood or meanness. On one occasion, an individ- 
ual to whom he was indebted had commenced a suit 
against him. Allen being unable to pay the debt, 
employed a lawyer to have the execution of legal 
process against him postponed for a short period. As 
an easy measure to effect this, and throw the case over 
to the next session of the court, the lawyer denied the 
genuineness of the signature ; Allen, who was present 



Allen's second couiiTsmp. 425 

propped angrily forward, and exclaimed to his aston 
ijjiied counsel, "Sir, I did not ennploj you to confie 
here and lie ; lavish you to tell the truth. The note 
is a good one — the signature is mine ; all I want is 
for the court to grant me sutKcient time to make the 
payment!" It is almost needless to add that the 

plaintiff acceded to his wish. ■ 

General Allen, who had at various times resided at 
Bennington, Arlington and Tinmouth, at last took up 
his residence on the Winooski. His first wife had 
never removed from Connecticut, but died there dur- 
ing the war. His courtship of his second wife was 
characteristic. During a session of the court at West- 
minster, Allen appeared with a magnificent pair of 
horses and a black driver. Chief Justice liobinson 
and Stephen R. Bradley, an eminent lawyer, were 
there, and as their breakfast was on the table, they 
asked Allen to join them. He replied that he had 
breakfasted, and while they were at the table, he w^ould 
go in and see Mrs. Buchanan, a handsome widow who 
was at the house. He entered the sitting-room, and at 
once said to Mrs. Buchanan, " Well, Fanny, if we are 
to be married, let us be about it." ''Very well," she 
promptly replied, "give me time to fix up." In a few 
minutes she was ready, and Judge Robinson was at 
once called upon by them to perform the customary cer- 
emony. Said Allen, " Judge, Mrs. Buchanan and J 
have concluded to be married ; I don't care much about 
the ceremony, and as near as I can find out, Fanny 
cares as little for it as I do ; but as a decent resj^ect for 
the customs of society require it of us, we are willing 
to have the ceremony performed." The gentlemen 



420 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 

present were much surprised, and Judge Robinson ro 
plied, "General Allen, this is an important matter; 
have you thought seriously of it ? " " Yes, yes," ex- 
claimed Allen, looking at Mrs. Buchanan, " but it 
don't require much thought.'" Judge Robinson then 
rose from his seat and said, "Join vour hands toorether. 
Ethan Allen, you take this woman to be your lawful 
and wedded wife : you promise to love and protect her 

according to the law of God and " "Stop, 

stop. Judge. The law of God," said Allen, looking 
forth upon the fields, "all nature is full of it. Yes, go 
on. *My team is at the door." As soon as the cere- 
mony was ended. General Allen and his bride entered 
his carriage and drove oft'.* 

Allen conversed much on the subject of religion, and 
expressed his skeptical views on all convenient occa- 
sions. At one time, while he was in Westminster, 
Judge Sessions and Stephen R. Bradley, who were 
zealous Christians, were discussing the affairs of the 
church. Allen, who entered the room at the time, 
interrupted them by an argument against the divine 
origin of the Bible. Judge Sessions, not liking to hear 
his reasons, said, " Mr. Bradley, I think we had better 
retire, and not hear this man talk." Allen exclaimed, 
"Deacon Sessions, you belong to the church militant — 
I belong to the church military ; and w^ithout that," he 
continued with an oath, "you can never belong to the 
church triumphant ! " 

General Allen's kindness of heart was proverbial » 

• Tbis anecdote is given on the authoiity of Hon. William C. Bradley 
(son of Stephen R. Bradley,) formerly a member of congress from 
Vermont, who was present with his fatlier on the occasion. 



ALLEN 8 KINDNESS AND lATRIOTISM. 427 

And he was always ready to afford relief to the suffer- 
ing. At one time, two little girls, daughters of one of 
the pioneers of Vermont, wandered into the woods 
The distressed parents, with a few neighbors, com- 
menced a search, which was continued through the 
night without success. The next day a large number 
of persons from' the neighboring towns joined them, 
and the search was continued till the afternoon of the 
third day, when it was relinquished, and the people 
who had been out were about to return to their homes 
Among them, however, was one who thought the search 
should not be abandoned ; and this was Ethan Allen. 
He mounted a stump, and soon all eyes were fixed upon 
him. In his laconic manner, he pointed to the father 
and mother of the lost children — now petrified with 
grief and despair — bade each individual present, and 
especially those who were parents, make the case of 
these parents his own, and then say whether they could 
go contentedly to their homes without one further effort 
to save those dear little ones, who were, probably, now 
alive, but perishing with hunger, and spending their 
last strength in crying to father and mother to give 
them something to eat. As he spoke, his giant frame 
was agitated — the tears rolled down his cheeks, and 
in the assembly of several hundred men, but few eyes 
were dry. "Til go! I'll go!" — was at length heard 
from every part of the crowd. They betook themselves 
to the woods, and before night the lost children were 
restored in safety to the arms of the distracted parents. 
In all the trying scenes of Allen's life — in all the 
vicissitudes of a protracted and cruel captivity — be 
was never foi-getful of the rights of his fellow-men, or 



428 ETilAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUJ^ITAIN irF:ROEg. 

of the cause of his country's liberty. He nobly spurned, 
as unworthy of the principles which governed him, the 
honors which were offered him to join the royal stand- 
ard. He stood firmly by his country, even while it 
frowned upon the course of his adopted state — and his 
memory will ever be cherished by a free and grateful 
people. He died at Burlington, Yt., Feb. 12th, 1780 
of apoplexy, while yet in the full vigor and maturity of 
manhood, and his remains rest in a beautiful valley 
near the Winooskie, where his grave is surrounded by 
those of many of his kindred. A plain marble tablet 
marks the spot, upon which is the following inscription : 

The 

Coiporeal Part 

of 

Gen. Ethan Allen, 

rests beneath this stone 

he died 

the 12th day of February, 1789, 

a^ed 50 years. 

His spirit tried the mercies of his God, 

In whom he believed and strongly trusted. 

(]S"oTE Referred to on Page 346.) 

When Sparks was writing his biographies, he visited the spot, 
nnd found in the vicinity an old soldier, who was an eye-witness to 
the tragedy, and says: "Miss M'Crea was shot, tomahawked, and 
scalped by an Indian." Gen. Morgan Lewis, who was at the investi- 
gation of the affair, had, at the time, and who was also consulted by 
Mr. Sparks, fully confirmed the old soldier's story. The best evi- 
ilince, theref«)re, is in favor of the old version of this tragic event. 



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ples are drawn out, and impressed on the mind, and a critical knowledge 
of reading attained. 

Numerous notes explanatory of the historical facts and classical aTlu- 
Bions, in the reading exercises, are also inserted at the bottom of the 
pages, together with the pronunciation of proper names, as in the Gram 
mar School Reader. 



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TOWN'S FIFTH or Elocutionary READER, 

In -which the principles of elocution are illustrated by reading exer- 
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In this work each elocutionary principle as taken up, is treated in the 
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and at the same time so to familiarize the application^ as to give the en- 
tire subject a permanent lodgment in the memory of the student. 

The author has treated of poetry more fully than elocutionists have 
generally done, by giving the principles of its construction, the number 
of syllables constituting the different kinds of poetic feet, its various 
measures and forms, together with rules and numerous exercises in read- 
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Part Second consists of select piecets for reading and declamation, with 
explanatory notes, and embraces the various styles of the mo.it approved 
authors, both in this country and Europe. To enable the student to de- 
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reading the selections, and to secure constant observance and application 
of the principles illustrated in Part First, a reference is made at the head 
of each lesson to some one or more of the rules. 

This book is already introduced into the schools of Buffalo, and most of 

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Brockport Collegiate iNSTrrrrE, .Tan. 5th, 1858. 
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numerous directions and rules, with the varied and appropriate exercises, designed to 
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TOWN'S NEW SPELLER AND DEFINBR, Revised 

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TOWN'S ANALYSIS OP DERIVATIVE WORDS IN 
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In this edition many valuable improvements have been introduced : 
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The Speller and Analysis are among the few American school bookd 
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